The fugitives of the ‘procés’ will have a voice and a vote in the negotiations to allow the investiture of Pedro Sánchez that the radical independence movement conditions the amnesty or to trigger, where appropriate, a new electoral repetition. The role of Carles Puigdemont within Junts is more than defined. He is the leader of the toughest sector of secessionism, whose procedural future due to his accusation for holding the illegal referendum on October 1, 2017 hangs by a thread after the European justice has withdrawn him, in the first instance and pending appeal , parliamentary immunity.
But the most significant thing in this ‘impasse’ that has opened after the adjusted result of July 23 is that Esquerra has included Marta Rovira in a negotiating team that, unlike Junts, has been quick to form. The leadership of the Republicans adopted another decision this Friday, that of consulting their bases at the turn of the summer for a possible agreement on the possibility of reissuing their support for Sánchez. This was the formula that they already used in 2019. His militancy then supported the executive’s proposal to reject the investiture if it did not entail the constitution of the dialogue table between the Government and the Generalitat that ended up being formed.
The general secretary of Esquerra and right hand of Oriol Junqueras during the most critical moments of the ‘procés’ was accused by the Supreme Court of sedition for her participation in the organization of 1-O and fled to Switzerland one day before having to appear before Judge Pablo Llarena.
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However, and unlike Puigdemont, Rovira could return to Spain from Geneva without fear of being sent to prison after the reform of the Criminal Code agreed by the Government of Sánchez with Esquerra that eliminated sedition. The Republican leader must now only answer for a crime of disobedience that carries a penalty of disqualification from holding public office. The other fugitives in a similar situation –Clara Ponsatí, Meritxell Serret and Anna Gabriel– have already returned to Spain without having to go to jail. Only Ponsatí has been arrested, also mediating her refusal to appear before the judge, although she was immediately released on both occasions.
The crime of embezzlement for diverting public money for the organization of the 1-O referendum still weighs on Puigdemont, which in the event of finally being handed over by Belgium to Spain could lead to between six and twelve years in prison. His imprisonment would introduce an obvious element of distortion around the investiture and also if the Sánchez government were to be constituted under the dependency of Junts and when the PP has an absolute majority in the Senate; that is to say, it will be able to return to the Congress each one of the norms that the Executive approves.
Since the run-up to 23-J the position of Junts has not moved one iota: amnesty and self-determination referendum. Both possibilities are not included in the Constitution and the PSOE has stressed that it will not accept them under any circumstances. While the acting President of the Government has chosen to cool down the party, trusting, on the one hand, in a failed inauguration of Alberto Núñez Feijóo and, on the other, that the landing of the vote will soften the positions of sovereignism, Yolanda Díaz has tried to Already establish the leading role that Sumar wants in the negotiations with the election as an interlocutor with Junts de Jaume Asens, former president of the United Podemos Group in Congress and who resigned from going on the lists for the general elections. Asens, aligned with the commons that defend an agreed referendum, maintains a fluid relationship with Puigdemont.
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Both Junts and Esquerra put pressure on the PSOE by presenting fugitives as interlocutors. In the absence of Junts finalizing its negotiating team, which is taken for granted will depend on what is dictated from Waterloo, none of the pro-independence leaders who were released from prison after the partial pardon approved by the Sánchez Executive has been appointed .
Junts and ERC have summoned themselves to form a common front in Madrid even without any specificity and without having channeled their division. Unlike their former partners, the Republicans were careful in the campaign to condition an eventual investiture of Sánchez to self-determination and focused on demanding the reactivation of the dialogue table and more powers. But the devilish scenario that 23-J has drawn, with wear and tear on the secessionists as a whole but with a regained prominence for Junts, sows questions about the position of Esquerra.
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