In the old political model of the previous PRI regime, the nomination of official candidates for governors was a matter of national security and all profiles had to go through the filter of the Department of Political and Social Research of the Ministry of the Interior.
Despite the fact that the issue of insecurity was under the control of the State security apparatus, in 1975 problems began due to the irruption of organized crime interests in politics, coinciding with the then Plan Condor of the United States in the area. northwest of the Mexican Republic. From then on, the pre-candidates for state leaders and some key positions loosened the controls of the dark side of political biographies,
The gubernatorial elections of 2021, now in 2022, and those that remain in 2023 and 2024 have a very serious oversight in terms of profiles and responsibilities, to the extent that the decision of the nominations does not respond to criteria of political security of the State but to interests of the ruling group, the need to win the elections and signs of direct or indirect pacts with organized crime.
The gubernatorial elections in 2021 fulfilled the requirement of being in the majority victory for the Morena party, but they neglected the issue of security and today a good part of the new rulers have shown their lack of strategy to combat crime in their territories and to allow the criminal expansion so far in criminal matters, but in some cases already detected, criminal propagation has been verified in territory and local government functions.
The underlying political problem is not found in the scenarios of electoral percentages of candidates and parties, but in the strategic conceptualization of places under the growing dominance of organized crime, as can be seen in the cases of Quintana Roo and Tamaulipas, but also with criminal expansion in Oaxaca, Durango, Aguascalientes and Hidalgo.
None of the candidates of any of the parties with the possibility of winning presented any concrete proposal to contain the advance of organized crime in their squares; On the contrary, all of them put aside the evaluation and diagnosis of insecurity in those entities and focused their campaign speeches on superficial issues of local politics.
The same thing happened in 2021 in the hot spots of Sinaloa, the two Baja Californias, Zacatecas, Guerrero, Colima, Nayarit, Chihuahua, Nuevo León, San Luis Potosí and Michoacán, territorial areas under the strategic control of criminal gangs. One of the explanations/justifications has been pointed out in non-public strategic analyzes that until now organized crime does not have the objective of taking control of the territorial squares to turn them into belligerent zones, but that they are reduced only to putting or changing candidates to continue trafficking drugs.
The inexistence of a strategic criminal leadership with State dominance approaches should not justify criminal governance policies, especially since the political and administrative control of cartels and gangs over some territorial squares is already expanding to areas not directly related to crime, but invading civil functions, such as the collection of flat rights, the sale of protection, the control of piracy, prostitution, sponsored common criminal gangs, commercial activities and small industry and, in an outstanding and growing way, the contract killers and at the service of civil activities.
In this context and if the same scenarios are reproduced in the 2023 and 2024 gubernatorial elections in places already infected by organized crime such as the State of Mexico, Coahuila and Guanajuato, the 2024 presidential elections will have a strategic scenario that would require proposals for the recovery of the internal security of the State in parties and candidates, beyond and even against the loyalties to the outgoing president and his peacebuilding model based on criminal co-governance that would imply agreements with organized crime.
From now on, the gubernatorial elections in 2024 will be mounted with the presidential election based on the change of state leaders in the nine remaining seats: Mexico City, Chiapas, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Morelos, Puebla, Tabasco, Veracruz and Yucatán, all of them already infected by the cartels,
policy for dummies: Politics is power and power is being occupied by criminal governance.
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