Like in the old days PRIthe incoming cabinet announcements They serve only two functions: redistribute power inside the ruling group and give the starting signal for the next one presidential succession.
He presidential cabinet it is formed by officials which represent plots of power of the dominant coalitionsenior employees are rarely hired with a Government project and the members of that power elite They are not secretaries of State, but merely assistants to the presidential office, as the Constitution.
The bureaucratization of presidential regime refers to the cabinet as liaisons on certain issues, without ever having assumed, at least in the period 1917-2024, the profile of ministers.
The presidency unit of Lopez Obrador The existence of a cabinet was erased from the picture; the secretaries were mere assistants who were only called to announce presidential decisions, but never for agreements on the development of their respective portfolios. The power of the secretaries of the presidential office disappeared when the President López Obrador He ordered the closure of the press offices of the Secretariats to break relations of relative autonomy of officials with the political press that collaborated to generate the government environment.
The drip cabinet announcement President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo It drew morbid attention to perceive the hand of the outgoing president in the designation and to now assume a cabinet for the presidential succession of 2030.
López Obrador’s centralism concentrated the entire structure of the federal public administration in the National Palace, and at the same time the authoritarian supervision of the legislative and judicial powers. The style and character of President Sheinbaum seems that she will not be able to maintain the same style, which would imply the resuscitation of the presidential cabinet structures for the operational tasks of the entire federal government.
But the headlines don’t matter much either. The first six names responded to the resume of winners, but they advanced the main problem of Sheinbaum’s management of presidential power: maintaining the spirit of names, but without specifically knowing the priority projects of the next administration.
Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón, for example, was appointed in Economy, but it is only known that he will have in his hands the negotiation of a new phase of the Free Trade Agreement; However, any renegotiation must be preceded by a redefinition of the national development project, a document that is not known and that would be defined from the technocratic area of the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit, whose priority functions are fiscal – that is: of super-controlled spending– and not the development model that is required for the dynamics of the productive economies of the United States and Canada. The National Development Plan should be in the area of Economy.
The new chancellor, Juan Ramón de la Fuente Ramírez, had very effective diplomatic training as permanent representative of Mexico at the UN and member of the Security Council of that organization, but the definition of foreign policy was made from the perspective of the National Palace. , without consultation with the Senate and with a diplomatic corps political appointments as in the old PRI.
The president of Sheinbaum, once she received the official result from the INE, should have given a speech proposing a development model for the next six-year period and with normal continuity while the defect of Mexican development has been the six-year perception and –in many ways– at the whim of the presidents in turn. President Salinas de Gortari defined the neoliberal development project and its continuity lasted until 2018, including two presidencies from the PAN that never understood the productive models, and the continuity in the alternation maintained the globalization model through Finance Secretaries from of the neoliberal thought of the Chicago school and its Mexican branch the ITAM.
In reality, the appointments of six assistant secretaries of the presidential office and the early ratification of the Secretary of the Treasury – if we read Lopez Obrador’s policy correctly – matter little, for two more six-year terms, that of Sheinbaum and the following one. But one thing is the macroeconomic stability policy in International Monetary Fund mode of Secretary Rogelio Ramírez de la O and another is the priority need for a development model that López Obrador did not have and that is required to set, now seriously, the post-neoliberal cycle.
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