When ideological blindness prevents us from seeing the rationality of power, the first to trip over themselves are the intellectuals that a greater range of democratic reasoning should be required, beginning with understanding the wisdoms of the adversary. The language academic Jesus Silva-Herzog Marquezgrandson of the legendary economist who contributed a Marxist ideological approach to the Mexican Revolution and who participated in the drafting of the oil expropriation decree, reduced his criticism to the judicial reform to the rationality of arrogance argument: “foolishness”.
The problem is not that the intellectuals who publicly called to vote for the PRIAN of Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz sharpen their most aggressive and insulting arguments to reduce judicial reform to a territory of behavioral simplicity, but with the unhealthy intention of avoiding the real debate around that proposal: it was not a gift to the president, it is not a whim, nor is it an act of resentment.
The judicial reform is part of a counter-neoliberal reform to the neoliberal reform of the State imposed by presidents Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado and Carlos Salinas de Gortari in 1983-1994 to end the political-ideological-symbolic cycle of the Mexican Revolution. The two presidents modified the Constitution in those articles that gave it a revolutionary profile, as Jesús Silva Herzog, the grandfather, explained: agrarian reform, labor rights, welfare democracy, ideological control of Catholicism, that is, they closed the cycle of the State social and created the conditions for an autonomous market State of the non-property social classes.
He Power of attorney It remained as the last refuge of a balance of powers to guarantee the validity of that neoliberal Constitution; In that sense, the Judicial Branch that President Zedillo founded in 1994 to provide it with absolute constitutional power in terms of the ruling neoliberal Constitution was not a counterweight to the absolutism of the Executive Branch, but rather a true legal counterpower to subordinate the President of the Republic. who had been elected by direct vote of the citizens.
The conservative profile of the Court ministers appointed by Zedillo, Fox, Calderón and Peña Nieto chiselled the functions of the Supreme Court to block the constitutional and meta-constitutional powers of the Executive Branch, always, of course, in the name of the Constitution. But it was the neoliberal Constitution that De la Madrid and Salinas de Gortari approved to liquidate the social State that was an obstacle to the market exploitation model of the Free Trade Agreement that was imposed first with the GATT and then with the T- MEC.
Lopez Obrador It gave the Court a four-year opportunity to find channeling channels for the project of popular reorganization of the State, but the conservative ministers blocked and prevented many reforms speaking in the name of the current Constitution. President Claudia Sheinbaum could not fulfill her campaign commitments regarding social welfare and the reorganization of de facto powers with a majority of Court ministers guarantors of the neoliberal market order.
The Judiciary as a counterpower was a deviation from the Salinist neoliberal model, with institutions and officials outside of social representation and dependent on appointments from the dominant party groups since the PRI hegemony crisis of 1988: the PRIAN power bloc that was in charge of All the State reforms achieved the complicity of the Chuchos PRD as a way of excluding any type of political negotiation with the two PRD social leaders: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and Lopez Obrador.
The use of the adjective nonsense to the López Obrador judicial reform by a language academic and a descendant of a Marxist strategic mind of the Mexican Revolution only points out the impotence of the conservative alliance of PRIANREDE, the business right, the extreme right of the middle class in the process of pauperization and lumpenproletarianization, the national security domination of the United States over Mexico, the PRI UNAM and crowning the new interrelation of interests to intellectuals who came out of their ivory tower to ask for the social vote in favor of a candidate that represented the ideological interests of the PRIAN.
A language academic like Silva-Herzog Márquez should know what the Spanish language dictionary says about the word nonsense: “nothing, insignificance, minutiae, triflingness, smallness, smallness, nonsense, trifle, simplicity, banality, triviality, bric-a-brac , nonsense, nonsense, peanut, nonsense, nonsense, stupidity.”
So why argue about anything.
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