The foreseeable victory of the British Labor Party is nothing more than a mirage. Although its unknown leader, Keir Starmer, evicts Rishi Sunak from Downing Street, the populist revolt advances. The polls predict the triumph of the unclassifiable program of British Labor, a mix between conservatism and technocratic religion that no sensible person would classify as left-wing, but the charlatan who opened the doors to the Brexit earthquake once again occupies the media platform. He was speaking, of course, of the quintessential reactionary shaman, former UKIP leader Nigel Farage. Apparently, he will be elected to the House of Commons and is already talking about “moving the tectonic plates.” Some tories They tempt him to lead the Conservative Party after the July 4 elections. What we needed.
We already know that the disorientation of the conservative family is one of the keys that explains the crisis of democracies and the rise of the extreme right, but also that the left, incapable of articulating a language that connects with the anxieties and resentment of the electorate, They do not find the courage or sagacity to address the issues with which the ultras get the upper hand. It is curious that the adjective that comes to mind when we talk about an ultra is charlatan or demagogue, when the truth is that this bombastic talk manages to connect with what many voters experience in their lives. On the other side, a type of discourse in danger of extinction is dying in form and substance. Remember Rishi Sunak’s inexplicable shock on D-Day. Someone who abandons such a symbolic and relevant celebration for a campaign event in a context like the current one is a politician who knows nothing. John Gray says that Sunak’s mistake represents the “end of a political class that governed without understanding its governed,” but perhaps it highlights a deeper problem that explains the success of populism: avoiding politics itself, with its dilemmas and complexity. .
We move between the truth of the expert, with his inaccessible language, and the empty chatter of the presumptuous politician. Ayuso is a national example, but not the only one. In the midst of so much guerrilla warfare, we still wonder how it is possible that our technocratic Minister of Economy is not listened to or supervised. The economy is out of the conversation because it is not part of the cultural war and it is not that we make an effort to make it intelligible. But populism, Gray reminds, is also the repoliticization of issues that the progressive consensus considered too important to be left to democratic choice. The trap of technocracy is to present itself as the effective solution that we all long for, but it is nothing more than the imposition of values that are foreign to a large part of the citizens. Being right is not enough to legitimize a policy: imposing it because it is a scientific or moral truth is another way of being anti-political. It has happened with some equality laws and it happens with immigration or climate change. And also with artificial intelligence, although now it is the Pope who explains it to us. Ignoring what the divine leader of global reaction is doing at a G-7 summit, do not forget that, after his horrible class on ethics, Bergoglio went to hug Milei, who pulls strings so that all ethical and legal obstacles on the AI research in its ordoliberal paradise. In short, little happens to us.
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