Nobel Prize winner Oleksandra Matwijtschuk believes that Germany’s efforts in the Ukraine war have “failed” – for now. But she also expresses “deep gratitude.”
There is war in Europe – at least since the beginning of Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine, this has been clear to everyone. But the question of how to end it is hotly debated. By ceding territory? Nobel Peace Prize winner Oleksandra Matwijtschuk previously spoke to IPPEN.MEDIA strongly warned.
Her “Center for Civil Liberties” has been documenting crimes in Ukraine for years. Matwijtschuk is certain: A larger war against freedom is underway – and Vladimir Putinits “empire” and a “whole bloc” of authoritarian allies must be shown limits. The activist sees Germany as having a special responsibility in this, but also expresses great gratitude.
Has Germany “failed”? Special obligation in the Ukraine war
Ms. Matwijtschuk, Germany is always struggling with new aid measures in Ukraine WarHow does Ukraine view the Federal Republic?
Germany has a special obligation in this matter. Let me remind you that eight years ago there was the so-called Minsk Agreement, a peace agreement with Russia. Germany was also part of the Normandy talks (with Ukraine, Russia and France; editor’s note). Germany took on a responsibility to prevent a large-scale war. And it failed. Why this happened is something historians will have to answer.
What would be your thesis?
I think Germany wants to curb Russia’s imperial appetite on the one hand. But on the other hand, it has also continued to build gas pipelines with Russia – which shows Putin that the rule of law and human rights are just a fake in foreign policy not only for him but also for Western democracies. But we should leave these points to future historians and talk about how to stop Putin in Ukraine.
“Russia is an empire – it is always trying to expand”
Please.
There is a context: Russia is an empire. And an empire has a center, but no borders. An empire always tries to expand – people who survived Russian captivity told us what Russia’s vision for the future looks like: “First we will occupy Ukraine and then, with your help, the next country.” A process of forced mobilization of Ukrainians into the Russian army has been going on in the occupied territories for years.
What do you conclude from this?
I want to make it very clear: Putin will not stop until he is stopped. And if we are not able to stop Putin in Ukraine, he will continue. Regardless of whether European countries have the courage to admit this, they are only safe because the Ukrainians continue to resist Russia. Stopping Putin is not the task of Ukraine, but a question of global security. From a pragmatic point of view, Germany, as a powerful country with a strong economy, is called upon to do so.
Fight for “freedom” in the Ukraine war: “We are dealing with a whole bloc of states”
So what should the federal government do in your opinion?
A lot can be done: in military support, with sanctions against Russia, with an end to trade with Russia, so as not to support the war with taxes on German companies. Germany’s government knows this. Now this is not my expertise, I am a human rights activist – but what I have seen since the beginning of the large-scale invasion is the narrative “let’s help Ukraine not to lose”. We are extremely grateful for the support, it helps us to survive. But this point of view is also an answer to the question of why it took over a year for the first modern tank to arrive in Ukraine. We need a new narrative: “Let’s help Ukraine to win.”
The situation on the front in Donbass is, to put it mildly, difficult. Do you have any real hope for a “victory”?
I have that hope – but hope is not a strategy. We need a common strategy – and we cannot find that if we do not have common goals. Ukraine is fighting to win. And let me remind you that we are fighting for something that knows no national borders: freedom. Only the spread of freedom makes our world safer. Imagine what will happen if Russia succeeds. How will China behave then? What many people overlook is that we are dealing with a whole bloc of states.
You have to explain that.
Let me give you an example: I live in Kiev, and my hometown, like thousands of other Ukrainian cities, is constantly bombed. Not only with Russian missiles, but also with Iranian drones. North Korea has supplied Russia with more than a million artillery shells. China is helping Russia to circumvent sanctions and exports important technology. Syria votes for Russia in the UN General Assembly. All of these regimes have one thing in common: they deny their populations their rights and see people only as objects to be controlled. For dictators, the existence of the free world is a threat. That is why they attack in different parts of the world. Right now, Ukraine is the front line between authoritarianism and democracy.
Ukraine wants to join the EU: “Probably the only country that has shed its blood for this opportunity”
Ukraine is now one of the candidates for EU accession. Is this just a weak symbol for Ukraine or is it really an important step?
This was the driving idea behind the Revolution of Dignity. Ten years ago, millions of people rose up against the corrupt, authoritarian, pro-Russian government for the chance of a new country. They paid a high price for this chance, because previous regimes carried out large-scale, systematic repression against peaceful protesters. I coordinated the civil initiative Euromaidan SOS at the time – there were hundreds upon hundreds of people beaten, tortured and subjected to trumped-up charges. Towards the end, more than 100 protesters were killed in Kyiv’s main square.
It is so important to know that we are not alone.
We are probably the only European country that shed its blood for a chance at EU membership. When that came in 2014, Russia occupied Crimea, and in 2022 the big war came. For the Ukrainians there is no doubt: we are fighting because we want to return to the civilized spheres of Europe.
How does Ukraine view its partners further west in Europe after two and a half years of war?
This war began with Putin’s plan to occupy Ukraine in three or four days. It is perhaps good to remember that our partners also did not believe that Ukraine could withstand such a huge aggressor. I was in Kyiv when Russian troops surrounded the city, and I remember that even humanitarian organizations evacuated their personnel. But ordinary people remained – and they began to do extraordinary things. This ruined Putin’s plan.
But there was a second element: it was the ordinary people in countries like Germany, Switzerland or Japan who stood in solidarity with us. Those who wrote about Ukraine, who welcomed Ukrainian refugees, who organized crowdfunding, who demonstrated for arms deliveries. I would like to express my deep gratitude to the people in Germany who are supporting us in these dramatic times. It is so important to know that we are not alone. (Interview: Florian Naumann)
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