The world is on the brink of a technological cold war. Authoritarian regimes are developing new digital tools that endanger open societies and they threaten democratic values, so the West must decide whether to compete against them or give up.
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Today the fight for freedom takes place in Ukraine, but the battle line could shift to Taiwan at some point, global technological node – where the most advanced chips in the world are produced – and prosperous democracy less than 150 kilometers from the coast of China (which seems determined to annex that island).
To win the race for the technologies of the future, an alliance must be created. Just as the West united to dissuade the Soviets from expansionism and curb the spread of communism in the postwar period, The United States and the European Union (EU) must revitalize the transatlantic alliance to win the competition for global technological leadership.
This means developing a new joint strategy, combine resources and capabilities, optimize regulations and take advantage of their strengths. Such such as advanced tools for semiconductors and lasers, artificial intelligence (AI), quantum computing and genomics in Europe, and fusion energy, commercial space operations and synthetic biology in the United States.
They will also have to create resilient supply chains. China dominates the supply of metals and rare earths needed to produce batteries, semiconductors and other technologies, so the United States and the EU are sleepwalking towards a critical minerals crisis.
For example, China’s share of the market for high-power permanent magnets for wind turbines is almost 90 percent. Finally, Both the United States and the EU must focus on making decisive advances in critical sectors, including AI, biotechnology, advanced networks, clean energy and the manufacturing technologies of tomorrow.
To this end, the United States Semiconductors and Science (CHIPS) Act and the European Chip Act offer a model – or, at least, a starting point – for boost the competitiveness of the main technologies of the future.
Joint work
Technological cooperation is nothing new, from the Council of Europe in Strasbourg and the International Telecommunications Union in Geneva to the OECD and the European AI Law, The artificial intelligence race sometimes seems like a competition between policies to control it. (and, in some cases, for good reasons). For example, the United Nations Advisory Body on AI identified in its interim report that the main risks of this technology are the stability of financial systems, critical infrastructure, environmental and climate stresses and natural resources. These are topics too important to ignore.
In another report, France’s AI Commission called for the creation of a World AI Organization that “evaluates and supervises AI systems.” Maybe it’s a good idea, but it’s not the only way to move forward. Although the existence of the World Health Organization is fundamental, playing a vital role in the eradication of some diseases, it did not prevent the Covid-19 pandemic.
Furthermore, regulation cannot be an end in itself, but must have an objective. Despite the so-called “Brussels effect”, the EU’s supposed ability to set global standards – that bloc’s flagship regulation for electric vehicles or its General Data Protection Regulation – did not make it a superpower of electric mobility or information privacy.
That is why transatlantic cooperation must be expanded to include research and development programs and large, bold and ambitious projects. Just as sanctions alone did not limit Russian aggression against Ukraine, regulations will not be enough to prevent bad actors from using AI in harmful ways.
Similarly, the West will have to go on the offensive against the Chinese techno-authoritarian model. Intelligence can be shared to identify vulnerabilities in supply chains and facilitate “friendliness.” In addition to developing technology ecosystems with like-minded partners, it will be critical for US and EU policymakers to expose those short-sighted private companies that enter the game of those who see technology as a tool of oppression instead of for liberation.
On the other hand, the United States and the EU cannot expect to win the technological race – which is also a war of ideas – when their citizens have been herded into the echo chambers of social networks and 44 percent of the world’s children use TikTok. On this cognitive battlefield, The West must lead the offensive to develop technologies that encourage critical thinking and protect privacy; and to stop the destabilizing fragmentation of the digital sphere, and the spread of hate and misinformation online.
A revitalized transatlantic alliance must ensure that emerging technologies reflect democratic principles that promote strategic autonomy. Creating alliances with like-minded countries – such as Australia, India, Japan and South Korea – and greater cooperation between G7 and OECD members could support these efforts. Together they could develop an alternative model of technological empowerment – free of repression and digital authoritarianism – for both developed and developing countries.
Western leaders should take inspiration from the Covid-19 vaccines, developed in a record time of eight months thanks to collaboration, massive experimentation and decades of pure research. We must keep that spirit alive, Democracies risk missing out on the technologies that will shape the future, which would have serious economic and security consequences. A robust transatlantic technology partnership is essential. The fate of free and open societies depends on it.
YLLI BAJRAKTARI
AND ANDRÉ LOESEKRUG-PIETRI (**)
© PROJECT SYNDICATE
ARLINGTON AND BERLIN
Former chief of staff to the US National Security Advisor and former executive director of the US National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence. He is currently executive director of the Special Competitive Studies Project.
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