The guide walks through the old Navy Mechanics School, one of the clandestine detention and torture centers of the last Argentine dictatorship, accompanied by a dozen visitors. His words have another nuance these weeks. It is noticeable when he repeats an idea throughout the tour: “For those who deny that it happened, here is the evidence.” The climate that human rights organizations breathe just days before the presidential elections is full of concern. The leader in the polls and winner in the primaries, Javier Milei, and his team, have launched denialist comments towards State terrorism that between 1976 and 1983 left 30,000 victims. A possible triumph of the La Libertad Avanza formula, completed with Victoria Villarruel, defender of the idea that the dictatorship was only an “internal armed conflict,” threatens the continuity of the social consensus that built the country over four decades of democracy.
The weeks since his victory in the primaries have served as fertile ground for Milei to sow ideas. This Wednesday, during his campaign closing, the candidate said that Argentina had gone through a “desert of 40 years”, the time the country has been in democracy, to probably “pass to freedom” starting in December. A line from the speech that went unnoticed among the clueless fans, but that served as a nod to the groups that sympathize with the military and justify the dictatorship. At the same time it was a grenade for those who, since the democratic return, have dedicated themselves to working for memory.
Carlos Pisoni, son of people who disappeared during the last dictatorship, recognizes that it is a “very complicated” moment for the country. “We never imagined that we could have denialist candidates,” he says on the phone. “In 40 years we fought a great battle to make memory, truth and justice state policies; “That today we have a candidate like Villarruel is an affront to democracy.” The candidate for vice president, a defender of “life, liberty and property,” organized just a month ago a tribute to “the other victims” of the political violence of the 1970s, an event strongly repudiated and described by the organizations of human rights as “a provocation.”
Argentina began to judge what happened during the dictatorship after the trial of the Military Juntas in 1985. Since then, 1,192 repressors have been convicted of crimes against humanity. The policies implemented in memory, such as the conversion of the Navy Mechanics School into a Museum of Memory – recently declared a World Heritage Site – or the prosecution of military personnel and allied businessmen, managed to survive Administrations of various colors and convert the country into an international reference on these issues.
During the Government of Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), a first crack appeared, recalls Horacio Pietragalla, current Secretary of Human Rights. At that time, the Argentine Supreme Court opened the door to the release of the genocidaires through access to a benefit known as 2×1, which reduced their years of detention in prison. Society mobilized massively in rejection and the initiative collapsed due to social pressure. Pietragalla understands that moment as an example of the “strong social consensus” that exists regarding the issue, although he admits that there is a sector that “gets hooked on the denialism” of the dictatorship. However, the majority of La Libertad Avanza voters are completely unaware of the candidates’ positions, he says. “They break out with these provocations to capture votes. Whenever there is an economic crisis, there are people who try to capitalize on the anger.” And he adds: “We have known Villarruel for 20 years, society does not know her.”
To understand the support for Milei, we must qualitatively analyze the vote, explains Paula Litvachky, executive director of the Center for Legal and Social Studies (Cels). The lawyer points out that these reviews suggest that “there is not necessarily ideological support” on this issue on the part of Milei voters. But, “even without adhering to those postulates, they are willing to vote for him.” This group joins another, present since the seventies, that always endorsed denialism. “We never had absolute consensus,” she says.
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo marched this week, as they have done every Thursday since 1977, in the iconic square to protest the disappearance of their children during the dictatorship. The atmosphere seemed politically tense. Irene Molinari, one of the youngest representatives of the association, walked around with her colleagues and then took the microphone. The far-right candidates “are not deniers,” she said, “they are accomplices, because they support the genocidaires.” The attendees applauded and said to each other, with more hope than conviction: “On Sunday we are going to win.” Whatever the result, “the fight continues in any scenario,” commented one of those closest to the mothers.
“It is a task for all Argentines to reflect on what is behind Milei,” Molinari later said in an interview with this newspaper, “we have to talk to those who think he is going to bring us change, because it is a disastrous change for everyone.” . In the square, all the speakers on Thursday afternoon insisted on the figure, “there were 30,000,” a number that was established as part of the consensus, but questioned by defenders of the Armed Forces and now by Milei. Another of the mothers who took the microphone was Visitación Folgueiras de Loyola, who attended to give her tour on her 99th birthday. With difficulty, but with a lot of attitude, she stood up to thank the company of those They came to see them. “How can I not be calm if I have companions who will always defend this precious flag?” She said, waving the white scarf that she had been wearing on her head minutes before, the symbol of a struggle that lasted more than 40 years.
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