Di Maio, Draghi, Letta/ Europe likes “fuckers” in Italy
There's always a little bit of nationalism when you look with ill-concealed pride at the five Italian football teams that next year will be among the contenders for the Champions League. One more this year. When Italy becomes the protagonist we are pleased. In the same spirit, it is difficult not to feel a little seduced by a national (if not nationalist) pride when you see how much and what echo the speech of Mario Draghi in the unknown La Hulpe (Walloon municipality with seven thousand inhabitants and a beautiful castle, in Belgium), European commissioner in pectore for many (starting with the Frenchman Macron, according to what we read). A similar feeling accompanied us when we saw the role of designer of the European future (“Much more than a market”) entrusted by the European Council to Enrico Letta.
I confess that when a year ago Luigi Di Maio was appointed as EU “special envoy” for the Persian Gulf it had been a little harder for us to rejoice. Let's be clear, it may seem unpleasant to mention names and surnames. Nothing against individuals, but the considerations concern institutional and political roles and destinies. And here we are talking about political leaders and representatives of institutions, men of struggle (politics) and of government.
AND there is a strange red line that unites Di Maio, Letta and Draghi: To put it a little crudely Europe seems to like Italian “fuckers”.. Certain, there's fucked and fucked. Di Maio's pedigree does not resemble that of Draghi, even if – thanks to superMario – Di Maio can display the license of “best”, given that he was part of the Government of the best, as Foreign Minister. It's a shame, however, that the voters then denied him a return to Parliament.
Other voters also prevented Mario Draghi from going up to the Quirinale. Victims of direct and parliamentary democracy. Enrico Letta was also a victim of democracy, which probably feels “better” regardless, at least since the rise of another “super Mario” (Monti) from the chair at Palazzo Chigi was registered with some “pizzino”. Even the professor quickly went from being the savior of the country to “troubled” with the electoral choice that made him politically irrelevant. Read by the prime minister and leader of the majority party, she soon became an emeritus professor in Paris, and then tried again – losing – a new political and electoral challenge, still at the head of the Democratic Party.
In short, Di Maio, Letta and Draghi are all three victims of democracy. Moreover. I am almost offended by the rules of democracy. The “best” do not give in to these banalities. And Europe seems to care little about consensus.
Certainly consensus is not the only yardstick. Credit should count, which however is measured in a sort of personal balance sheet, between successes and failures. Is Europe meritocratic? Let's hope. With the utmost respect to the “whatever it takes” man, Mario Draghi he did not transfer to Palazzo Chigi the attitude and rigor with which he wrote the famous letter – with a double signature with Trichet – to outline the path to the recovery of the Italian State in the summer of 2011. When he found himself transferring the programs into actions of government has bowed its head to the super bonus (criticizing it in words, but refinancing it) and to citizenship income: two of the tools that have devastated the country's coffers.
We said about Letta: the inventor of the wide field formula – revived with ardor and defeated by Elly Schlein – he decreed on two occasions the end of the centrality of the Democratic Party and a substantial irrelevance of government (the scene of the bell reluctantly offered to Renzi is more remembered than any measure of the Executive).
In the “curricula” we always try to hide failure, but There is no shortage of missed objectives for this curious trio of “great Italians” in Europe. It is not easy to explain to younger people why men who have fairly failed at home are co-opted by European institutions. One could say, like Jesus Christ in the Gospel: no one is a prophet in his homeland. But the quote risks being excessive even for the “best”.
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