As police officers attempted to arrest President Yoon Suk Yeol on Friday morning, his supporters gathered in front of the presidential residence waving two flags: the South Korean Taegukgi flag and the American Stars and Stripes flag.
To outsiders, the unexpected combination may seem disconcerting, but to Yoon’s supporters, the United States represents more than an ally: it is a perceived ideal. The symbolism of the American flag is a statement of a broader cultural and spiritual order that they believe is under threat.
Holding both flags in front of Yoon’s residence on Friday, Pyeong In-su, 74, claims that the police had to be stopped by “patriotic citizens” and hoped that US President-elect Donald Trump could attend. Yoon’s help.
“I hope that after Trump’s inauguration he can use his influence to help our country get back on the right path,” he says while waving both flags with the message: “Let’s go together” in English and Korean.
While pro-Yoon groups criticize their opponents for being subservient to North Korea, they openly revere the United States.
They frequently remind their followers that the United States liberated Korea from Japanese colonial rule and defended it during the 1950-53 Korean War, presenting the United States as a divine protector of democracy rooted in Christian values.
In recent years, these groups, which remain a marginal element of South Korean society, have increasingly adopted the rhetoric of the American right, particularly around allegations of electoral fraud.
This narrative has intensified since Yoon’s brief declaration of martial law last December, which he justified by alleging electoral manipulation and the presence of “pro-North Korean and anti-state forces,” actions that led to his impeachment and current arrest warrant.
In a Korea Research survey published this week and repeating accusations of electoral fraud similar to those in the US, 65% of supporters of Yoon’s conservative People Power Party They believe that last April’s parliamentary elections were fraudulentdespite the fact that only 29% of the general public shares this opinion.
In the elections, opposition parties, including the Democratic Party, won a decisive victory, winning 192 of 300 seats in Parliament. No major election observers or courts have expressed concern about the vote, and allegations of fraud have been dismissed as baseless.
Still, the accusations have been amplified through a network of far-right YouTube channels, where conservative commentators livestream rallies and promote a wide range of conspiracy theories.
Similar tactics have been seen in both South Korea and the United States: questioning the integrity of elections, claiming moral authority through religious values, and portraying political opponents as enemies of the state.
The unlikely links between the movements date back to the rise of evangelical Protestant churches in South Korea, which form the backbone of Yoon’s most ardent support base. Many of these churches were founded by Christians who fled communist persecution in North Korea before the Korean War, incorporating a fierce anti-communist ideology into their religious identity.
These churches, including the influential Sarang Jeil Church, led by populist pastor Jeon Gwang-hoon, hold regular rallies in central Seoul’s Gwanghwamun Square to denounce any opposition as “communist forces” worthy of the death penalty.
Their weekly meetings often include simultaneous English translation on stage and live broadcasts aimed at American audiences, with details of American bank accounts displayed for international donations.
The ousted leader has also taken advantage of this message. On New Year’s Day, Yoon himself reinforced his narrative in a defiant message to his supporters, warning of “forces that infringe sovereignty” while vowing to “fight to the end.”
At Friday’s demonstration in front of his residence, protesters held signs in Korean denouncing “election fraud” and in English, “Stop the steal.” When asked for specific evidence of electoral manipulation, no one could answer.
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