Robert Habeck has discovered a new topic for himself: the Federal Minister of Economics wants to sanction civil nuclear cooperation with Russia. There must now be a “specific end date for ordering uranium,” he demanded after his visit to Kiev earlier this month. He followed up on the weekend. The federal government has “now spoken to the European Commission about including the civil nuclear sector,” Habeck told the German Press Agency. “That should be part of the next sanctions package.”
His advance was flanked by a cascade of tweets that his State Secretary Sven Giegold, also from the Greens, released. “It is a serious mistake to limit the Russian war chest in oil and gas, but to keep the money flowing in the field of nuclear energy,” said Giegold, who has been responsible for economic sanctions in the ministry for some time.
In fact, the federal government has been campaigning in Brussels for a year for the delivery of fuel elements and nuclear power technology to be banned by EU decision. Since May 2022, when the sixth sanctions package was discussed, the topic has been on the agenda of the EU ambassadors again and again. Initially, Germany was only supported by Austria, where the Greens also have a say in government. Later, Poland and the Baltic States also submitted papers on this. However, the EU Commission, which is responsible for the initiative, has never made a concrete proposal – the political resistance to it was too great.
“Doing business with Putin should be ended”
Obviously, the interests of those five states whose nuclear power plants date back to Soviet times and which contractually purchase their fuel rods from Russia are from the state-owned Rosatom: Bulgaria, Slovakia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary. As a rule, maintenance contracts are also associated with this. Four of these states have expressed their willingness to reduce this dependence on Russia. They want to gradually source their fuel from other suppliers. The American group Westinghouse is particularly suitable here. One state, on the other hand, even wants to intensify its cooperation with Rosatom. Hungary has signed a framework agreement with Rosatom to expand the Paks reactor by two units. Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó was in Moscow to reaffirm this partnership. Construction should begin as soon as possible, he said.
But there is another country that plays a central role in this debate but likes to hide behind the countries mentioned in Brussels. Giegold has now called it by its name: “We will try to convince France and other countries with transitional periods.” The French nuclear industry is working closely with Russia, and the Framatome group and Rosatom agreed on a long-term strategic partnership in December 2021. That was shortly before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the agreement was never canceled after that. For a while it was said in Paris that the cooperation was on hold. But it is now bearing fruit, and one of them is giving the federal government a major headache.
In the future, Framatome wants to produce hexagonal fuel rods for Soviet nuclear reactors in Eastern Europe in its fuel element factory in Lingen, Lower Saxony – with Russian participation. A subsidiary of Rosatom, TVEL, is said to have a 25 percent stake in the company, according to media reports. It would be good business for both sides: the Russians are cementing their market position, and the loss-making factory in Lingen, which has been underutilized for years, opens up a larger market. The Lower Saxony Greens, however, are up in arms. “Business with Putin should be ended, that also and especially applies to the nuclear sector,” demanded her Environment Minister Christian Meyer at the end of March. Consolidating cooperation through direct or indirect participation by Russia is fatal in view of Putin’s brutal energy war against Europe. Meyer is in an uncomfortable position: he has to approve the conversion of production under nuclear law, but in view of the applicable law he has little leeway for a refusal.
Politically, the connection cannot be overlooked
That would explain why Habeck and Giegold are now publicly increasing the pressure to stop the export of Russian fuel elements via Brussels. This interpretation is rejected by the Ministry of Economic Affairs. It is only about closing a gap in sanctions, it says there. In addition, one is not responsible for the approval in Lower Saxony. But that is only the formal side. Politically, the connection cannot be overlooked, especially since Giegold himself pointed to France. And of course, in the end, Habeck would have to explain to the public why fuel rods are being produced in Germany with Russian help.
Whether the initiative will have any effect now depends on the EU Commission. It is uncertain when she will present her proposal for the eleventh package of sanctions against Russia; the preparatory work is still ongoing. So far, Brussels has sided with France when it comes to nuclear energy, as shown by the taxonomy initiative: Investments in nuclear power plants can be classified as climate-friendly.
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