AWhen Antony Blinken traveled to Israel on Monday from his tour of the Arab neighborhood, he had to listen to some expressions of displeasure about the offensive in the Gaza Strip. The Egyptian ruler Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi expressed himself most harshly, and in public too. Before leaving for talks with the US Secretary of State, al-Sisi said: “Israel has overused the right to self-defense and resorted to collective punishment for 2.3 million people in Gaza.”
He blamed the Israeli government for the violence of October 7th, when terrorist squads from the Islamist Palestinian organization Hamas murdered hundreds of Israelis. What happened was the result of an “accumulation of anger and hatred over more than four decades,” said al-Sisi, according to a report in the Al-Masry al-Youm newspaper.
This or something similar has been argued for days in editorials in the Arab press, and in the political talk shows and news programs on Arab television, where images of the Israeli air strikes on Gaza are shown in an endless loop.
Question of national security
The Egyptian ruler’s sharp tones probably do not have their origins primarily in his solidarity with the Palestinians. The Sisi regime has its own interests concerned about the disastrous humanitarian situation in the besieged coastal strip bordering its territory. There is concern in Cairo that Israel is trying to push Palestinians out of Gaza and into Egypt.
The ruling generals in Cairo have absolutely no need for a humanitarian emergency that extends to Egyptian territory, especially not an uncontrolled mass exodus like the one that happened 15 years ago. And Cairo does not want a controlled admission of Palestinians either. The messages from Cairo are clear: out of the question, this is also a question of national security.
The news portal Mada Masr, probably Egypt’s last independent publication, pointed to reports from the tightly controlled, regime-loyal press, where unnamed senior government sources spoke out. They strongly discouraged attempts to push the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip towards the Egyptian borders. Egyptian sovereignty is inviolable and Israel, not Egypt, is “responsible for the creation of humanitarian corridors to save the people of the Gaza Strip.” Mada Masr itself has come into conflict with prosecutors because it published a report suggesting that it would be entirely possible to allow some Palestinians from Gaza into Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. The regime seems to feel under pressure.
Cairo could at least be tempted to pay handsomely for concessions on this issue. El-Sisi’s Egypt, who is aiming for another term as head of state, is in an economic crisis. The mega-projects of the money-struggling regime are struggling with the ever-increasing socio-economic pressure on the population. “Egyptians, then don’t be afraid of progress! Don’t you dare say, ‘It’s better to eat,'” Sisi said recently. Ordinary people probably see it differently, and the regime could use any financial help.
Especially since Egypt’s reputation has suffered as a result of Hamas’ terror. In the past, when Western diplomats have explained why al-Sisi is treated like a partner despite blatant human rights violations, they have pointed, among other things, to the country’s important role as a mediator and stabilizing factor in the Gaza Strip. Today it is said that the West and Israel are accusing the Egyptian regime of not having done enough to prevent Hamas from escalating violence. The political and diplomatic weight of the former Arab leading power appears to have diminished somewhat.
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