It’s hard to imagine the world without Henry Kissingernot only because he lived to be 100, but because he occupied an influential – and often dominant – place in American foreign policy and international relations for more than half a century.
Born in Germany in 1923, Kissinger emigrated to the United States in 1938, returned to Germany while in the U.S. Army, and later was a student and later a faculty member at Harvard University. He worked for eight years in the US Government, first as National Security Advisor and later as Secretary of State (serving both positions simultaneously between 1973 and 1975), under the presidencies of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford.
His achievements in office were many and substantial. To begin with, the opening to China, an opportunity created by the Sino-Soviet rupture, but which Kissinger and Nixon knew how to discern and take advantage of to exert pressure on the Soviet Union (the main adversary of the United States at that time). This diplomatic opening not only put an end to decades of hostility between the United States and China. It also gave rise to a formula for smoothing out acrimony over Taiwan, laid the foundations for China’s economic transformation, and established a long-lasting and increasingly important relationship.
There was also a détente with the Soviet Union: Kissinger and Nixon (their close relationship is one of the explanations for Kissinger’s influence) structured the relationship between the two superpowers of the time. This made it possible to hold talks on nuclear weapons control, rules of the game for managing conflicts in which their respective allies participated, and periodic summits, all of which contributed to keeping the Cold War cold when it could have heated up or, worse still, had led to nuclear escalation.
Diplomacy and the Middle East
Then there was the Middle East. The parallels to today are striking, as it was exactly 50 years ago that Egypt and Syria caught Israel off guard with a surprise attack, just as Hamas did on October 7. Kissinger and Nixon made sure Israel had the military support it needed; but they also pressured the Israelis not to use excessive military force, as that could drag the Soviet Union into the war or eliminate prospects for diplomacy afterwards. Kissinger’s personal diplomacy helped bring about a ceasefire and disengagement of opposing armed forces, setting the stage for the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement negotiated by President Jimmy Carter.
These achievements, any of which would constitute a significant legacy for a secretary of state, demonstrate many of the central elements of Kissinger’s approach to world affairs. There is no doubt that he embraced diplomacy, but it was a diplomacy that operated against the backdrop of a favorable balance of power. It was not just diplomacy, but diplomacy in moderation.
Kissinger had a conservative bent. He prioritized order, which meant that his efforts to avoid war took priority over the more ambitious goals proposed by others who wanted to transform countries or impose peace with justice. He placed more emphasis on relations between countries than on internal politics. In his opinion, the main The task of American foreign policy was to shape the foreign policy of others.
These themes are found in his numerous books and articles, from his doctoral dissertation and memoirs to his reflections on nuclear weapons, alliances, diplomacy and, most recently, the world order, China and artificial intelligence. Even if Kissinger had never held a government position, he would have had a profound influence on American foreign policy through the strength of his ideas and the eloquence of his writings.
Controversial policies
Of course, there have been other great modern American secretaries of state, such as George Marshall, Dean Acheson, and James Baker. But none compared to Kissinger when it came to being both an actor and an analyst. He was the most eminent scholar of his time. But this does not mean that Kissinger was not wrong about some things. He certainly did, as his numerous detractors and critics are quick to point out.
The most controversial policies with which he was associated had to do with the Vietnam War. Critics of the war blame Kissinger for prolonging it and extending it to Cambodia, at a time when many considered it unwinnable and not worth fighting for. But he also received criticism from supporters of the war, due to his role in negotiating its end. The terms of the “peace” allowed North Vietnam achieve victory over the South in two years.
Kissinger also played a controversial role in the events of 1971, when he supported Pakistan (a US ally that had helped achieve the breakthrough with China) despite reports that his government was carrying out a massive campaign of repression. , or what many considered a genocide in what which today is Bangladesh.
Finally, Kissinger still receives intense criticism for his role in the attempt to overthrow the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile, due to his ideological leanings. Kissinger occasionally attempted to refute these and other complaints about his policies. But his efforts were not entirely convincing, because some of the main criticisms did have merit. The most important point, however, is that his achievements were great and much greater than their failures.
The result is a worthy and lasting legacy of seriousness about the world and the danger of an American foreign policy defined by either underreach (isolationism) or overreach (the attempt to transform situations or regimes that, at best, can only be managed). It is a legacy that Americans would do well to heed as they once again confront a world marked by great power politics and growing confusion.
AUTHOR: RICHARD HAASS
© PROJECT SYNDICATE
NEW YORK President Emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, he is a senior advisor to Centerview Partners and author of The Bill of Obligations: The Ten Habits of Good Citizens(Penguin Press, 2023) and the weekly newsletter
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