One of the national newspapers that began with the exercise of polling electoral preferences was Reforma. Last Monday he published “Heading to 2024”, from May of this year. There are “hard” numbers to analyze, there are some notes about some of them. The perception of the parties is mostly positive for Morena, and negative for PAN and PRI. The responses to the following variables are: “It benefits those who have less” 65%, 5% and 7%. “Manage social programs better” 64%, 7% and 8%. “He cares about people” 59%, 8% and 6%. “Manages the economy better” 46%, 9% and 8%. “It has better candidates” 41%, 9% and 7%. Highlight a question about public insecurity. In the midst of official information, in terms of the number of homicides even higher in 3 years and months of the six-year term than all in other six-year terms, such as that of Felipe Calderón. To the variable: “It has better strategies against organized crime” 33%, 8% and 9%.
These data reflect a current perception in which what the government of President López Obrador does badly or very badly is not reflected in the citizen’s perception. Reforma is a media outlet that is far from being a spokesperson or political ally of the current federal government. The mentions criticizing Reforma, by the President in his morning conferences, are constant. Despite this, Reforma publishes a survey that describes its favorable social base above 50%. In addition, the comparative analysis with the two opposition parties (PAN and PRI) highlights the contempt they have for citizen preferences. Keep reading this survey.
of Uruguayan dictatorship
To an express question about the murder of journalists in Mexico, an elderly Uruguayan professional, who arrived in exile in Mexico in the 1970s, replied: “You should not publish things that put you in danger.” The answer was a question: “Is a person who fled from a military dictatorship in the seventies telling me that freedom of expression is not exercised in Mexico because whoever exercises it is in danger, as in a dictatorship?” There was no opportunity to deepen or argue. For the comparative political analysis, there are two notes on the Uruguayan dictatorship from a political science research. How it arose and some consequences of… “The Uruguayan dictatorship (1973-1985) forced nearly 380,000 people into exile, almost 14% of the population. The exile began as something temporary in neighboring countries in order to continue militancy against the regime. Being a militant means denying that militancy turns them into victims. Torture, prison or death are only consequences of that fight. In the harshest years of dictatorial repression, exile ceases to be something temporary to become an exile in more distant countries and of long duration “…
“The coup d’état that gave rise to the Uruguayan civic-military dictatorship (1973-1985) was preceded by a serious political, economic and social crisis (1) during the government of Pacheco Areco (1967-1972) that exposed the lack of capacity on the part of the traditional political parties to find viable solutions. President-elect Juan María Bordaberry dissolved the chambers on June 27, 1973 and empowered the Armed Forces and the police to “adopt the necessary measures to ensure the uninterrupted provision of public services” (2). Prior to the coup, the executive power will begin to use the Prompt Security Measures (3), provided for in a “serious and unexpected case of internal commotion” in a systematic way. In September 1971, the creation of the Joint Forces was authorized so that the Armed Forces and the police would take on the “anti-subversive fight.” (Magdalena Schelotto, « The Uruguayan civic-military dictatorship (1973-1985): the construction of the notion of victim and the figure of the exiled in post-dictatorial Uruguay », New World New Worlds [En línea]Questions du temps present, put online in March 2015).
Paragraphs: Of two murdered journalists
Last Monday the number of murdered journalists rose to eleven. Two Mexican women journalists were shot to death in Veracruz. Three days after the assassination of Luis Enrique Ramírez. In a dictatorship, the aggression of the State against journalists is not published, nor does it cease to occur constantly. As in Cuba that continues to happen from the early sixties of the last century until this year. The terrible thing is that in Mexico the murder of journalists and the media continue to be published demanding justice. But neither the murders stop, nor is there a resolution of the law enforcement apparatus or the Judicial Power, at the state or federal levels. Eleven journalists murdered so far in 2022 in Mexico. There is nothing left but to continue all day with “caution, attention and care”.
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