WHO COULD BE THE NEXT PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC?
Curated by Alessandro Amadori, pollster
In the Italian system, the President of the Republic is elected by the parliament, not by the citizens. But if the citizens elected him, on whom would the preferences aggregate? The research conducted on this subject by some institutes converges in indicating the current Prime Minister, Mario Draghi, as the favorite of Italians for the highest institutional office in our country. It is therefore true that there is a sort of “super-Mario effect”, according to which the former governor of the European Central Bank is now seen, by a large part of citizens, as a sort of super-problem solver, to whom to entrust the fate of Italy both on the front of executive power (government) and on that of institutional balance (presidency of the Republic).
On the other hand, the very fact that Draghi has both high confidence as prime minister (64% according to the latest survey by Istituto Piepoli) and a demoscopic preference for a possible role as president of the Republic creates ambivalence in opinion. public. In the interest of Italy, is it better for the Prime Minister or the President of the Republic? To resolve this ambivalence, there are possible alternatives. In principle, a reappointment for the current president, Sergio Mattarella, would also be welcome. We thus obtain the apparently perfect “institutional duo”, in this delicate phase that Italy is going through: Draghi in government, Mattarella at the Quirinale. According to a very Italian principle of continuity.
Following, very detached, are Giuseppe Conte and Silvio Berlusconi. While Draghi and Mattarella have a transversal consensus, Conte and Berlusconi can each count on their own “affectionate people”, decidedly smaller in number and more politically connoted. Both Conte and Berlusconi are two figures for whom the relational aspect is strong, including an emotional investment, by their people as “promoters” (contrasted by those who instead consider them too “populist” for a position like that in play). Finally, two female figures are chosen from a small minority, namely Emma Bonino and Marta Cartabia. The first for his historical role as a reference figure for the battles on civil rights, the second for his “technical” neutrality combined with a recognized juridical competence.
At the present time, no other applications have been reliably tested. Therefore, even from a public opinion point of view, the Quirinale game is absolutely open.
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