The story is old but sadly current and confirmed by the last electoral round: women in Italy are not entrusted with positions of power and it can be seen from the fact that in no provincial capital where the vote was taken last weekend was elected a woman.
And it will be true that in measuring gender equality in the politics of a country one cannot limit oneself to a quantitative question, but it is equally clear that something is not working if in the 20 provincial capitals only 29 women out of 164 presented themselves to the vote. mayor candidates and none have been elected.
Finding women in the main positions of power, especially in the most important government posts in Italy, is still difficult, despite the fact that things have improved slightly over the years. In Italian politics, the number of female parliamentarians began to grow especially from 2005 onwards (during the third government led by Silvio Berlusconi), with some stalemate and a slight decline. The greatest growth occurred with the government of Mario Monti, in office from November 2011 to April 2013.
This growth, however, is not always accompanied by an increase in women in relevant positions. It should be noted, for the record, that the Draghi government is the one with the most women in the history of the Italian Republic (taking into account both ministers and undersecretaries, and in which women are in the minority), and in which Defense, Foreign Affairs and Economy are however run by men.
And the latest election seems to confirm a fact: Italy is not a country for women. Scoreboard Politics has analyzed in particular the situation, capital by capital and the result is disheartening: out of the 164 total candidates for mayor, there were 29 women; less than 18 percent. In no municipality that went to vote did their percentage exceed a third of the total number of candidates.
Rome has, in this circumstance, a positive record: it was the municipality with the highest percentage (almost 32%) of candidates, 7 out of twenty-two aspiring first citizens. On the contrary, in Savona, Novara, Grosseto, Isernia, Benevento and Caserta, there was no candidate for the post of mayor.
Another relevant fact is that, in almost all cases, women candidates for mayor were not supported by the coalitions with the highest probability of winning – therefore by the center-right and the center-left – but mostly by political parties and formations generally disadvantaged in the polls. This was the case with the 5-star Movement.
And from the 5 Stars come the examples of two women who have led two important cities for 5 years but who have not managed to create continuity: Appendino in Turin and Raggi in Rome. The first did not reappear, while for the second the electoral result was very disappointing, with 19.08% of the votes.
What’s happening? Is it politics that women don’t like or women who don’t like politics? Probably neither: that women are precluded from positions of power in Italy is a fact, as demonstrated by the data on top positions that are currently mostly held by men, as well as the data on the average salaries of women and men for managers and executives. The wage gap is huge.
But things are no better in terms of accessibility: there are still considerable differences between men and women in terms of career prospects, professional qualifications, entrepreneurial training, equal pay. It is therefore necessary to adopt further, new and different tools to overcome, in fact, effective inequalities. First of all, cultural stereotypes remain, unfortunately well rooted, which still affect the attitude adopted towards female work.
Stereotypes that undoubtedly reduce the potential with consequent underutilization of female work in terms, both quantitative and qualitative. Inequality based on gender is, on the other hand, a transversal phenomenon which, albeit in a different way and with strong dependence on elements of a historical, cultural and religious nature, can be found in the entire social dimension.
It is therefore beyond doubt that an incessant “cultural work” is at the basis of an indispensable change to weaken and combat this way of thinking.
The last noteworthy data, in the political case in point, however, concerns the all-local female “predisposition” to the so-called “step back”: on more than one occasion it was found that possible candidacies of women were then withdrawn in favor of faces well-known and favored men, all to the detriment of skills and efficiency, especially in the party circles of large coalitions. In this sense, the road ahead is still very long and winding.
The story is old but sadly current and confirmed by the last electoral round: women in Italy are not entrusted with positions of power and it can be seen from the fact that in no provincial capital where the vote was taken last weekend was elected a woman.
And it will be true that in measuring gender equality in the politics of a country one cannot limit oneself to a quantitative question, but it is equally clear that something is not working if in the 20 provincial capitals only 29 women out of 164 presented themselves to the vote. mayor candidates and none have been elected.
Finding women in the main positions of power, especially in the most important government posts in Italy, is still difficult, despite the fact that things have improved slightly over the years. In Italian politics, the number of female parliamentarians began to grow especially from 2005 onwards (during the third government led by Silvio Berlusconi), with some stalemate and a slight decline. The greatest growth occurred with the government of Mario Monti, in office from November 2011 to April 2013.
This growth, however, is not always accompanied by an increase in women in relevant positions. It should be noted, for the record, that the Draghi government is the one with the most women in the history of the Italian Republic (taking into account both ministers and undersecretaries, and in which women are in the minority), and in which Defense, Foreign Affairs and Economy are however run by men.
And the latest election seems to confirm a fact: Italy is not a country for women. Scoreboard Politics has analyzed in particular the situation, capital by capital and the result is disheartening: out of the 164 total candidates for mayor, there were 29 women; less than 18 percent. In no municipality that went to vote did their percentage exceed a third of the total number of candidates.
Rome has, in this circumstance, a positive record: it was the municipality with the highest percentage (almost 32%) of candidates, 7 out of twenty-two aspiring first citizens. On the contrary, in Savona, Novara, Grosseto, Isernia, Benevento and Caserta, there was no candidate for the post of mayor.
Another relevant fact is that, in almost all cases, women candidates for mayor were not supported by the coalitions with the highest probability of winning – therefore by the center-right and the center-left – but mostly by political parties and formations generally disadvantaged in the polls. This was the case with the 5-star Movement.
And from the 5 Stars come the examples of two women who have led two important cities for 5 years but who have not managed to create continuity: Appendino in Turin and Raggi in Rome. The first did not reappear, while for the second the electoral result was very disappointing, with 19.08% of the votes.
What’s happening? Is it politics that women don’t like or women who don’t like politics? Probably neither: that women are precluded from positions of power in Italy is a fact, as demonstrated by the data on top positions that are currently mostly held by men, as well as the data on the average salaries of women and men for managers and executives. The wage gap is huge.
But things are no better in terms of accessibility: there are still considerable differences between men and women in terms of career prospects, professional qualifications, entrepreneurial training, equal pay. It is therefore necessary to adopt further, new and different tools to overcome, in fact, effective inequalities. First of all, cultural stereotypes remain, unfortunately well rooted, which still affect the attitude adopted towards female work.
Stereotypes that undoubtedly reduce the potential with consequent underutilization of female work in terms, both quantitative and qualitative. Inequality based on gender is, on the other hand, a transversal phenomenon which, albeit in a different way and with strong dependence on elements of a historical, cultural and religious nature, can be found in the entire social dimension.
It is therefore beyond doubt that an incessant “cultural work” is at the basis of an indispensable change to weaken and combat this way of thinking.
The last noteworthy data, in the political case in point, however, concerns the all-local female “predisposition” to the so-called “step back”: on more than one occasion it was found that possible candidacies of women were then withdrawn in favor of faces well-known and favored men, all to the detriment of skills and efficiency, especially in the party circles of large coalitions. In this sense, the road ahead is still very long and winding.
The story is old but sadly current and confirmed by the last electoral round: women in Italy are not entrusted with positions of power and it can be seen from the fact that in no provincial capital where the vote was taken last weekend was elected a woman.
And it will be true that in measuring gender equality in the politics of a country one cannot limit oneself to a quantitative question, but it is equally clear that something is not working if in the 20 provincial capitals only 29 women out of 164 presented themselves to the vote. mayor candidates and none have been elected.
Finding women in the main positions of power, especially in the most important government posts in Italy, is still difficult, despite the fact that things have improved slightly over the years. In Italian politics, the number of female parliamentarians began to grow especially from 2005 onwards (during the third government led by Silvio Berlusconi), with some stalemate and a slight decline. The greatest growth occurred with the government of Mario Monti, in office from November 2011 to April 2013.
This growth, however, is not always accompanied by an increase in women in relevant positions. It should be noted, for the record, that the Draghi government is the one with the most women in the history of the Italian Republic (taking into account both ministers and undersecretaries, and in which women are in the minority), and in which Defense, Foreign Affairs and Economy are however run by men.
And the latest election seems to confirm a fact: Italy is not a country for women. Scoreboard Politics has analyzed in particular the situation, capital by capital and the result is disheartening: out of the 164 total candidates for mayor, there were 29 women; less than 18 percent. In no municipality that went to vote did their percentage exceed a third of the total number of candidates.
Rome has, in this circumstance, a positive record: it was the municipality with the highest percentage (almost 32%) of candidates, 7 out of twenty-two aspiring first citizens. On the contrary, in Savona, Novara, Grosseto, Isernia, Benevento and Caserta, there was no candidate for the post of mayor.
Another relevant fact is that, in almost all cases, women candidates for mayor were not supported by the coalitions with the highest probability of winning – therefore by the center-right and the center-left – but mostly by political parties and formations generally disadvantaged in the polls. This was the case with the 5-star Movement.
And from the 5 Stars come the examples of two women who have led two important cities for 5 years but who have not managed to create continuity: Appendino in Turin and Raggi in Rome. The first did not reappear, while for the second the electoral result was very disappointing, with 19.08% of the votes.
What’s happening? Is it politics that women don’t like or women who don’t like politics? Probably neither: that women are precluded from positions of power in Italy is a fact, as demonstrated by the data on top positions that are currently mostly held by men, as well as the data on the average salaries of women and men for managers and executives. The wage gap is huge.
But things are no better in terms of accessibility: there are still considerable differences between men and women in terms of career prospects, professional qualifications, entrepreneurial training, equal pay. It is therefore necessary to adopt further, new and different tools to overcome, in fact, effective inequalities. First of all, cultural stereotypes remain, unfortunately well rooted, which still affect the attitude adopted towards female work.
Stereotypes that undoubtedly reduce the potential with consequent underutilization of female work in terms, both quantitative and qualitative. Inequality based on gender is, on the other hand, a transversal phenomenon which, albeit in a different way and with strong dependence on elements of a historical, cultural and religious nature, can be found in the entire social dimension.
It is therefore beyond doubt that an incessant “cultural work” is at the basis of an indispensable change to weaken and combat this way of thinking.
The last noteworthy data, in the political case in point, however, concerns the all-local female “predisposition” to the so-called “step back”: on more than one occasion it was found that possible candidacies of women were then withdrawn in favor of faces well-known and favored men, all to the detriment of skills and efficiency, especially in the party circles of large coalitions. In this sense, the road ahead is still very long and winding.
The story is old but sadly current and confirmed by the last electoral round: women in Italy are not entrusted with positions of power and it can be seen from the fact that in no provincial capital where the vote was taken last weekend was elected a woman.
And it will be true that in measuring gender equality in the politics of a country one cannot limit oneself to a quantitative question, but it is equally clear that something is not working if in the 20 provincial capitals only 29 women out of 164 presented themselves to the vote. mayor candidates and none have been elected.
Finding women in the main positions of power, especially in the most important government posts in Italy, is still difficult, despite the fact that things have improved slightly over the years. In Italian politics, the number of female parliamentarians began to grow especially from 2005 onwards (during the third government led by Silvio Berlusconi), with some stalemate and a slight decline. The greatest growth occurred with the government of Mario Monti, in office from November 2011 to April 2013.
This growth, however, is not always accompanied by an increase in women in relevant positions. It should be noted, for the record, that the Draghi government is the one with the most women in the history of the Italian Republic (taking into account both ministers and undersecretaries, and in which women are in the minority), and in which Defense, Foreign Affairs and Economy are however run by men.
And the latest election seems to confirm a fact: Italy is not a country for women. Scoreboard Politics has analyzed in particular the situation, capital by capital and the result is disheartening: out of the 164 total candidates for mayor, there were 29 women; less than 18 percent. In no municipality that went to vote did their percentage exceed a third of the total number of candidates.
Rome has, in this circumstance, a positive record: it was the municipality with the highest percentage (almost 32%) of candidates, 7 out of twenty-two aspiring first citizens. On the contrary, in Savona, Novara, Grosseto, Isernia, Benevento and Caserta, there was no candidate for the post of mayor.
Another relevant fact is that, in almost all cases, women candidates for mayor were not supported by the coalitions with the highest probability of winning – therefore by the center-right and the center-left – but mostly by political parties and formations generally disadvantaged in the polls. This was the case with the 5-star Movement.
And from the 5 Stars come the examples of two women who have led two important cities for 5 years but who have not managed to create continuity: Appendino in Turin and Raggi in Rome. The first did not reappear, while for the second the electoral result was very disappointing, with 19.08% of the votes.
What’s happening? Is it politics that women don’t like or women who don’t like politics? Probably neither: that women are precluded from positions of power in Italy is a fact, as demonstrated by the data on top positions that are currently mostly held by men, as well as the data on the average salaries of women and men for managers and executives. The wage gap is huge.
But things are no better in terms of accessibility: there are still considerable differences between men and women in terms of career prospects, professional qualifications, entrepreneurial training, equal pay. It is therefore necessary to adopt further, new and different tools to overcome, in fact, effective inequalities. First of all, cultural stereotypes remain, unfortunately well rooted, which still affect the attitude adopted towards female work.
Stereotypes that undoubtedly reduce the potential with consequent underutilization of female work in terms, both quantitative and qualitative. Inequality based on gender is, on the other hand, a transversal phenomenon which, albeit in a different way and with strong dependence on elements of a historical, cultural and religious nature, can be found in the entire social dimension.
It is therefore beyond doubt that an incessant “cultural work” is at the basis of an indispensable change to weaken and combat this way of thinking.
The last noteworthy data, in the political case in point, however, concerns the all-local female “predisposition” to the so-called “step back”: on more than one occasion it was found that possible candidacies of women were then withdrawn in favor of faces well-known and favored men, all to the detriment of skills and efficiency, especially in the party circles of large coalitions. In this sense, the road ahead is still very long and winding.
