The rosary of complaints against alleged irregularities not yet committed but feared in the next electoral process It has nothing to do with the democratic will of society, but is a product of the failure of the political reorganization process that Joseph Woldenberg and Lorenzo Córdova Vianello They have gone out of their way to defend that it was not a democratic transition but rather legal adjustments that did not modify irregular political practices.
That is, to put it in simple words: in Mexico there was no transition to democracy but an electoral reform that had to recognize the victory of the opposition and the country lost the opportunity to build a true transition because the reorganization of the PRI system/regime/State/Constitution still in force was not agreed upon.
The Mexican reorganization from 1990 to 2014 it was just a rearrangement focused exclusively on respect for the vote with the creation of a costly electoral bureaucratic super-apparatus that at least guaranteed free elections and a lower presence of electoral and institutional fraud, although it left the structure of political domination free. from the State apparatus where the PRI, the PAN and the PRD manipulated – like Morena today – the political and institutional permissiveness that benefits the party in the government's turn. The PRI, the PAN and the PRD, today in opposition, must be regretting the lack of reforms in the structure of the State that today favor Morena and that previously helped that opposition in power.
Woldenberg and Córdova abuse the alleged paternity of the self-proclaimed transition to democracy, but today it is seen that the public apparatus that distorts the elections not only remains latent and improved and that the electoral authorities created by these two academics have no choice but to recognize that they are elections legal, legitimate and with a lower incidence of the old methods of electoral fraud that previously manipulated the registry, stuffed the ballot boxes, stole votes and benefited the party in power.
The laments of Woldenberg and Córdova against López Obrador and Morena disguised as anti-populist discourse should have been expressed in front of the mirror and their own images, because the current electoral apparatus that was sold as the historical process of the Mexican transition to democracy did nothing to modify the anti-democratic structures. of the Mexican political system. Even reluctantly complying with the demands of the electoral apparatus of Woldenberg and Córdova, today López Obrador and Morena have an advantage that is based on the existence of the old authoritarian, centralist, manipulative and welfare-based PRI regime.
If they had political and intellectual honesty, Woldenberg and Córdova should give political recognition to President López Obrador and Morena, because either way they have not left the threatening legal framework and have complied with the minimum electoral rules. Instead, the opposition should hold Woldenberg and Córdova responsible for the Frankenstein electoral apparatus that was not created to build a democratic system, but was designed so that the opposition in government would remain in power, without thinking that López Obrador and Morena could have reached the government and the State to benefit from the electoral structure that was not a transition to democracy but bureaucratic and legal reform.
The Spanish transition to democracy – which was a model in Mexico – was based on three major stages: the political reform law that respected the vote and legalized the Communist Party in the face of the military opposition, the Moncloa Pacts for the reorganization of the structure and of the State and the proposal of a new correlation of political and social forces and the plebiscite on a new Constitution that ended the old Franco dictatorial regime.
Presidents Salinas and Peña Nieto sold the country a fraudulent transition to democracy that the intellectual sector of renegade ex-communists had hoped would be a transition to democracy, but today the country faces a state election that was legitimized as a democratic transition by Woldenberg and Córdova and that it is nothing more than an electoral structure that benefits Morena as the party in power.
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