In a statement of porfirista stink to the newspaper The country, the electoral advisers Lorenzo Córdova Vianello and Ciro Murayama Rendón they looked very machiavellians by recognizing as effective truth “that democracy is not in the DNA of the Mexican”, an argument that it contradicts all their speeches, positions and books that have turned democracy into an indigenous totem.
Worst of all, the two electoral advisers are absolutely right. Democracy is not only not in the DNA of Mexicansbut also failed to consolidate in the political structure who has directed the reforms of adaptations electoral in the last 46 years. And this appreciation would help to understand the failure of the Mexican transition to democracy.
The great ideological contribution of the PRI regime is located in the dialectics system operation political/government regime/constitutional State: the relationship between democracy Y wellness which constitutes the guiding axis of the mexican policy.
The PRI, the PAN, the PRD of expriistas, the intellectual elites who found the democracy to the cow to milk permanently were based on the proposal of the president Miguel Aleman Valdes when starting his administration in December 1946 and his key decision to destroy the populist model of Cardenismo Y build the political model of social investments for political control. In its reform of article 3, German provided the shaft political-social-ideological of the PRI regime: the democracy and welfare dilemma that has always been resolved in favor of the second, sacrificing democratic advances for the sake of a presidential authoritarianism that would guarantee direct investment to non-owner sectors.
In subparagraph a) of the reform to the 3rd Constitution, Alemán defined that the new criterion of education that liquidated the cardenista model of socialist education was its democratic character, “Considering democracy not only as a legal structure and a government regime, but as a life system founded on the constant economic and social and cultural improvement of the people.”
This definition has justified the repressive hardening of the regime of the Mexican Revolution and of the PRI since 1917 and even remained unchanged in the two PAN governments, remained latent in the return of the PRI supporter to the presidency and was revalidated as the guiding axis in the lopezobradorista project.
In a survey conducted in 1963 by political scientists Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba upon civic culture in five countries of Westin the case of Mexico One of their central conclusions was the degree of confidence and dependence absolute of the citizen in two of the values of the authoritarian essence: the Mexican Revolution and the Republic Presidentnot the democracy.
In this context and reinforced by the criteria Porfiristas or Neoporfiristas of Cordova and Murayamathe absence of democracy is at the core of the populist ideology that has passed through society and the Republic since the 1917 Constitution even the political plans of the president Lopez Obrador: populism as an ideology of a current social project –even with a PRI that it is no longer the party of the Mexican Revolution but neoliberal, the BREAD presidential and the lopezobradorismo— which clearly defined the political scientist Arnaldo Cordova –father of the current counselor president of the INE— in his seminal and classic essay The ideology of the Mexican Revolution. The formation of the new regime, (Ediciones Era, 1973), when characterizing “the regime of the Mexican Revolution as a populist regime”.
In the logic of the current debate on the democracy that The INE of Córdova and Murayama wants to reinforce from the populism of the PRI Statethe ideological model Germanist continues to determine behaviors and social understandings: the masses neither owners nor participants in the systemic dynamics define their sympathies for the well-being guaranteed by public policies and only the elite that has resolved its needs insists on the debate on the procedural democracy that in reality tries to embed a new ruling elite in the spaces of the Condition.
The new academic elites who want to continue controlling State institutions are trying to build a discourse that could transform the procedural democracy which usually benefits the social right into an intangible public good similar, for example, to wellness cards already the social subsidies who survived the neoliberalism 1983-2018.
Politics for dummies: Politics is the art of selling cats for pokes.
The content of this column is the sole responsibility of the columnist and not of the newspaper that publishes it.
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