Nobody knows who she works for. Claudio X. Gonzalez, son, has become the nemesis of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. However, he was one of the pistons of the engine that contributed to reveal the corruption in the government of Enrique Pena Nieto and to feed the speech against public robberies, which led to the electoral tsunami in 2018, when some 15 million people who had never voted for López Obrador, gave him their support and the Presidency. Today it is the pretext for all the bad things that the government faces or the stumbling blocks of López Obrador, granting the president a power that he does not have, and growing a monster that effectively manipulates to acquire power, and that without intending to, gave him a platform policy that could make him a lawmaker in 2024.
The history of Claudio X.’s political construction dates back to 2005, when he founded his first NGO, Mexicans First, with an emphasis on education. He wanted to be the ideologue of the new educational model, which led him to confront the then teacher leader, Elba Ester Gordillo. The vice president of Mexicanos Primero was Alejandro Ramírez, whose family practically returned urgently from Harvard to take over Cinépolis, which for family reasons was in crisis. If there are no coincidences in politics, it is not surprising that Ramírez was a close friend of Josefina Vázquez Mota, then Secretary of Education and confronted with the teacher Gordillo.
Mexicanos Primero prepared a documentary against Gordillo and the teachers’ union, “De Panzazo”, which was presented at the Morelia International Film Festival, controlled by Ramirez. The documentary was a direct attack on Gordillo, who accused him of wanting to weaken public education for private purposes. The teacher won the game. Vázquez Mota left first, and Claudio X. lost that battle, but insisted on winning the war the following six-year term, fighting at the beginning of the Peña Nieto government with his office chief, Aurelio Nuño, wanting to impose his educational model clearly conservative.
He failed to influence him, nor the government of Peña Nieto. So she looked for another way. Claudius X. He spoke with several businessmen -whose names remain secret- and received financing so that in 2015 he founded Mexicans against Corruption and Impunity (MCCI). This NGO was built with five arms. The most visible is that of investigative journalism, which underpins the analysis and denunciation of corruption in search of accountability, which gave rise to another of its arms, perhaps the most effective, to litigate amparo in court.
MCCI was a rifle to the heart of the Peña Nieto government. In a magisterial conference in January 2017 at the Universidad Iberoamericana, Claudio X. said that if there is a “hall of infamy” of national corruption, the then president, several of his collaborators, governors and former governors, should head “the top have”. His words were made public, after they were reproduced in the official Ibero newspaper, which led to pressure on him and more than three audits against his family.
At that time, Peñista government officials said that their motivations were much deeper and less noble than they reflected. Claudio X. was not the only one of his family who irritated in Los Pinos. His father, Claudio X. González Laporte, had been stopped by Nuño at the beginning of his six-year term because he wanted to boss around Los Pinos, as had been his custom in the past. The consequences, deliberately or not, came via MCCI, and passed a very expensive bill to Peña Nieto, whose government was left stained like a rotten one by corruption and cronyism, facilitating López Obrador’s victory in the 2018 elections. , whose result seemed more like a vote of punishment than in favor of the Tabasco.
Neither Claudio X, nor the large Mexican financiers of MCCI, imagined that if the relationship with Peña Nieto had been bad, with López Obrador it would be worse. But the dialectic of confrontation with power through the NGO was too small for Claudio X., who left it in mid-2020 to become openly involved in politics. In October of that year, together with the former president of Coparmex, Gustavo de Hoyos, he founded the organization Sí por México, which claimed to seek a citizen agenda to remove Morena from power in 2024. Instead, he formed with the PAN, PRI and PRD Goes through Mexico.
From the beginning, Claudio X. became its articulator, the strategist and architect of the agenda. He never publicly recognized his managerial leadership, but in fact it was so. He told them what to do and how to do it, and although there was reluctance in the opposition, in the end they did what he told them. His ambition, prominence and authoritarianism began to erode the forced leadership that he had assumed, and he began to lose power, while the heads of the opposition and himself began to see his future after ’24 .
The underlying discussion no longer focused on the single candidacy -until now the heads of Va por México bet on deputy Santiago Creel-, but on the distribution of multi-member candidates. In this process, the other side of Claudio X began to emerge, whom Va por México no longer gives him for his mission to end Morena, but to survive, in other conditions, transexenally. He wants to be a senator -deputy at least- multi-member, and continue building as he has done remarkably in recent years, for him, for his ego and for his personal interests, which always take precedence over the collective interests that says defend.
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