What is happening with the judicial reform It is the consequence of a series of ideological occurrences become initiatives for one of the broader reforms and delicate measures that the country requires.
No one doubts that The country needs a profound judicial reformbut you cannot have a discussion on the subject as unserious as the one we are observing. It is incomprehensible that the President Lopez Obrador say now what did they miss?as if it were a minor issue, remove of the initiative that the judges had five years of experience. What’s more, the president said that he would prefer that the new judges be students who had just graduated from law school. It is as absurd as the one that said that extracting oil was no different than drilling a water well or that COVID was nothing more than the flu. Someone should explain to the president that president how it works power of attorneyhow to become a judge or magistrate, what is the judicial career.
In order to advance in the judicial career, one has to work for years, take exams, meet criteria and have legal knowledge. These are not positions that are given out of nepotism or simple political loyalty. We do not need inexperienced judges and magistrates, we need them to be more expert, to have more training, we need more and better judges. The proposed initiative and the presidential statements go in the opposite direction: we will have fewer and much worse judges. The issue of knowledge and experience is, moreover, directly related to the autonomy of the judiciary itself: the more inexperienced the judges are, the more dependent they are.
Of course, we need a more expeditious justice system, but to do so, we must change the legislation and the system. In many cases, sentences are considerably longer because the defense files all kinds of appeals, precisely so that there is no sentence and thus they can obtain some advantage, as is the case with the murderers of Isabel Miranda’s son or Israel Vallarta. It is demanded, with all reason, that criminals linked to organized crime such as El Marro’s son or El Mencho’s brother remain in prison, but for that, as occurred in those two cases, it is necessary that the rules of detention be respected, that the investigation files be well compiled, that they be supported by evidence.
The new administration is supposed to bring a new and very different stage in terms of security, and we really need it, but it would be desirable for this complete review of the system to include police, security forces, intelligence, public ministries and prosecutors, and of course the justice system as well. There cannot be a reform of the judiciary that is not linked to security and justice policies.
Ultimately, it is not a question of whether or not to make the reform gradual, which of course it has to be, but of making a good reform, designed precisely by those whom the president does not want, who are the specialists. And to undertake such a task, a few weeks of forums in which partisan politics intervene more than institutional debate are insufficient. But, in addition, we are in a moment, the transition of the government, which contaminates the entire debate: President López Obrador, even if it is stumbling, wants to leave this reform, improvised, poorly designed and drafted, without clear objectives but with a strong ideological charge, as his legacy.
Logic dictates that this, with such a long term, has to be a reform not of the end of the administration but of the beginning of it: it should be assumed as a central task by the government that starts, not as an imposition of the one that leaves. If approved in this way, it could become a poisoned inheritance.
Alito takes down the PRI
The best demonstration that the PRI has long ceased to be what it was was this weekend: the ease with which Alejandro Moreno, surrounded by his unconditional supporters, got rid of his rivals, of the party’s rules and statutes to secure his reelection. This would have been impossible, obviously, when the PRI held power, but even later, in his two terms as an opposition party with the PAN in government, when he had national leadership elections, internal currents, and fights for candidacies. Today, Alito put an end to the rules and his critics in one fell swoop. And this was done by a leader who rigorously lost almost all the elections, who turned the PRI into the fifth national political force, which does not reach 10 percent of the votes.
Two notesPerhaps Carlos Salinas was right when he seriously considered giving a new twist and transforming the PRI into the Solidarity Party. He realized that the model was no longer working and a complete renovation was needed, and that the new PRI was no longer enough. Colosio would have been the one destined to take that step, but Lomas Taurinas got in the way. Ernesto Zedillo had so little interest in the PRI that he had five party presidents in six years and lost the 2000 elections. But in the PAN administrations, the PRI knew how to be a counterpart, do legislative work, win elections. The work of Enrique Jackson with Fox and of Manlio Fabio Beltrones with Calderón was very important, and it was able to reorganize itself, reinvent itself, enough to win the 2012 elections by a wide margin. Since then everything has been in free fall, especially in recent years with Alejandro Moreno. By the way, practically none of those who made that party reinvention are with Alito today.
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