The presidential succession for 2030 began with the advertisement about what Andres Lopez Beltranhe son of the president that more involved has been in political and electoral affairs, will occupy the Secretary of Organization of Morenathat is in charge of electoral matters. It is a affront to Claudia Sheinbaumthat He has not yet assumed the Presidencyto the impose on him from the National Palace the route of the power transfer within six years. A lot of time has to pass in his six-year term and things may change, but the The sign of wanting to tie his hands in the succession process is clear.
The idea of placing a heir of the four-year legacy did not leave the President Andres Manuel Lopez Obradorbut it was a plan of the most radical sector in its environment, headed by Rafael Barajas, the cartoonist of La Jornada known as El Fisgón, the head of the propaganda machine Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, and the coordinator of Brunette in the Senate, Adán Augusto López, one of those who lost the presidential candidacy against Sheinbaum. They convinced the president by ego, and their argument was that only Andrés, who is known as “Andy”, could be able to consolidate its project and historical significance.
By taking office in the coming weeks, López Beltrán will formalize the control he has over several power structures in the country, which he strengthened in the last elections in Mexico City – where he operated alongside the radicals and against presidential candidate Claudia Sheinbaum – in favor of Clara Brugada, in Veracruz, where he supported Rocío Nahle, and in Tabasco, with Javier May, who is one of the president’s unconditional supporters since the 1980s, when there were two PRD groups around López Obrador, winning in the long term in which the elected governor was found and headed by Octavio Romero Oropeza, current director of Pemex.
Romero Oropeza, who since the death of López Obrador’s first wife has been in charge of the material needs of his three children – school fees, meals, clothing, entertainment – was imposed on Sheinbaum by the president as director of Infonavit in his government, an institution that has been at times in the past the President’s cash register, and which is the only one – along with the Ministry of Health – that will have resources outside of those earmarked in the budget, 1.2 billion pesos from the Housing Fund for 2025.
Of the three eldest sons of the president who have been involved in politics, Andrés is the most important. He has always been López Obrador’s favorite, the only one he greeted with a kiss, who controlled his father’s agenda and who, in the Presidency, operated together with Gabriel García Hernández, who officially worked as general coordinator of Development Programs at the National Palace, the electoral action. Only they met regularly with López Obrador to review how the political operation was going and the strategies to achieve what they achieved, an overwhelming machine that would ideologically realign the country and redefine the future.
What they are seeking is that the new future is not the one that President Sheinbaum decides when the time of succession comes, but that López Beltrán is the initiator of the Macuspana dynasty, making this moment unprecedented, as it is when the start of a presidential succession is the most premature in republican history. Before, the quickest thing it started was during the first year of government when the power struggles within the cabinet began.
Now they started with malice aforethought and advantage. Sheinbaum has no electoral experience. Her campaign for the government of Mexico City was supervised and induced by “Andy,” and in his presidential campaign López Obrador appointed the leader of Morena, Mario Delgado, to Ramírez Cuevas, mobilized the governors of Morena and made the head of the Ministry of Welfare, Ariadna Montiel, responsible for the social programs, which the president also imposed in the next government.
Since the 2018 presidential campaign, López Beltrán and Gonzalo, his younger brother, coordinated the sectional committees through which they designed a territorial distribution for the defense of the vote. This structure was put into operation in the 2015 midterm elections, when Morena appeared for the first time on the ballots, which was made up of 68 thousand electoral sections, each made up of at least eight people, with a polling station representative and a party representative. This electoral apparatus had one coordinator for every 10 urban sections and another for every five rural sections. Sheinbaum used the same architecture in her presidential campaign.
The new Morena leadership will be headed by Luisa María Alcalde, current Secretary of the Interior, who is the daughter of one of López Obrador’s most loyal and long-standing political operators, Bertha Alcalde, and whose main loyalty is to the current president. López Beltrán’s arrival will not be to reinforce her, but to prevent her political weakness and inexperience from hindering the party’s cohesion and the path of the multi-six-year Obrador project.
However, at this time it is still a design and a project, as it is unknown how things will develop during Sheinbaum’s six-year term, and the mystery surrounding how much she is willing to take autonomous actions that may go against López Obrador’s demands. She does not have much room to maneuver, while the presence of “Andy”, with the influence he will have over governors and legislators, who will consider him the voice of López Obrador, will be able to maintain the threat of revocation of mandate in case his father considers that there is a deviation from his project.
The idea of maintaining the legacy of the Obradorist movement transcends López Obrador’s own life, as happened in Argentina with Peronism. Sheinbaum is part of Obradorism and wants to consolidate the project, as long as, it can be argued, she consolidates it and not López Obrador’s red guards who are preparing to subdue her.
X: @rivapa_oficial
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