Although an agreement had finally been signed for the deployment of a multinational force in Haiti, Kenya suspended its participation on Tuesday, after the announcement of the resignation of the prime minister. This latest setback occurs after a year and a half of difficult negotiations regarding the deployment of this security mission, which has aroused distrust in Haiti and whose composition has become a headache.
Will the multinational mission in Haiti see the light of day? On Tuesday, March 12, Kenya announced the suspension of its security mission in Haiti, as the country plunged into a crisis that pits security forces against criminal gangs that control almost the entire capital.
Nairobi had committed to deploying 1,000 police officers as part of an international mission of some 2,500 men to support security forces against armed groups wreaking havoc in the country. But for Kenya, the announcement of interim Prime Minister Ariel Henry's resignation on Monday, under pressure from gangs and the international community, has changed the situation.
“Without a political administration in Haiti, there is no anchor point on which to base a police deployment,” said Korir Sing'oei, secretary general of Kenya's foreign ministry, saying he now wanted to wait for “the installation of a new constitutional authority”.
In Haiti, discussions are taking place between political parties with a view to forming a seven-member transitional council, which will then select an interim prime minister and appoint an “integrative” government.
The Kenyan government affirms that it remains willing to lead this multinational mission, in which a dozen countries are expected to participate, including Benin, Chad, Bahamas, Bangladesh and Barbados. But its deployment seems more uncertain than ever in view of the deep political crisis the country is going through.
Request for help
The origins of this multinational intervention project date back to October 2022. At that time, the Haitian Government sent a letter to the UN Secretary General requesting the deployment of a specialized armed mission to end the humanitarian crisis.
The country is led by the interim prime minister, Ariel Henry, who became de facto head of state after the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse at the hands of an armed commando, at his residence, on July 7, 2021.
Upon assuming power, Ariel Henry promised to work to restore order and “organize credible elections.” For Haitians, his plea for help from the international community is seen as an acknowledgment of his failure.
On October 9, in response to a request from Ariel Henry, the Secretary General of the United Nations urged the Security Council to consider the deployment of an international armed force in the face of the “dramatic deterioration in security” that paralyzes the country. But this announcement sparked anger in Haiti: thousands of people took to the streets of Port-au-Prince and violence broke out, with the deaths of several civilians.
A controversial intervention
The protesters criticized Ariel Henry, who has not been elected, for his lack of legitimacy in launching this call, considering that he sought above all to remain in power. They also accused him of doing nothing to stop the crisis.
“This government was completely ineffective; it never presented any security plan to deal with the expansion of the gangs,” says Jacques Nesi, a political scientist at the University of the West Indies. “The neighborhoods of the capital have been emptied of population. The inhabitants live in inhumane conditions and this prime minister has never shown them any empathy,” he adds.
Some have also criticized Ariel Henry for his murky role in the events that led to the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. The investigation revealed that he had several telephone conversations with one of the main suspects on the night of the murder. He formally denies any involvement.
Finally, Haitians' distrust of any international intervention also has historical roots. In October 2022, Frédéric Thomas, doctor in Political Science and specialist in Haiti, pointed out that “the population has very bad memories of the foreign intervention.” “From 1994 until today, Haiti has been constantly covered by a UN mission, and that has left its mark,” he describes.
In recent decades, several cases have clouded the work of peacekeepers in Haiti. In 2019, a sexual scandal broke out involving members of MINUSTAH – the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, present in the country from 2004 to 2017, under Brazilian military command -, accused of abusing women.
Before that, shortly after the 2010 earthquake, the country was hit by a cholera epidemic, imported by Nepalese peacekeepers, which killed 10,000 people.
Kenya to the rescue
In this context, the UN, which tries to remain in the background while providing aid to the Haitian people, finds itself in a delicate position. He needed an ambassador to lead the security mission, but negotiations proved difficult.
In July 2023, Kenya offered to send 1,000 police officers to assist Haitian security forces and “protect strategic installations.” But this initiative, described by the Kenyan president, William Ruto, as a “mission for humanity”, sparked controversy in the country.
Although Kenya has already participated in several peacekeeping missions, some people consider the deployment to Haiti too risky. This is the case of opposition politician Ekuru Aukot, who condemned it as a “suicide mission.”
Approved by the UN Security Council and later by the Kenyan Parliament, the mission was to begin in the first quarter of 2024 and last 12 months. But he suffered his first setback in January, when a Kenyan court blocked his deployment by ruling that sending national police officers abroad was “illegal.”
Earlier today, I had a phone conversation with the Prime Minister of Canada @JustinTrudeau regarding the situation in Haiti. Additionally, I engaged with the Prime Minister of The Bahamas Philip Davis, representing the Caribbean Community and Common Market as well as Haiti's…
— William Samoei Ruto, PhD (@WilliamsRuto) March 14, 2024
At the end of February, Ariel Henry traveled to Kenya in the hope of unblocking the situation. He signed an agreement with William Ruto to relaunch the process. But this trip ended up hastening his downfall. On Monday, Henry bowed to pressure from gangs demanding his resignation. They had surrounded the Port-au-Prince airport and prevented his plane from landing.
Mission at half mast
For the second time, the Kenyan mission has been put on hold. Although the deployment of this force is the subject of criticism in Haiti, this new blockade risks having serious consequences for the population, warns Jacques Nesi.
“The multinational force is urgently needed because no local force can stop the gangs,” he laments. “Haitians have an ambivalent relationship with everything that comes from outside. On the one hand, they do not want it because of the feeling of pride linked to the history of their country and the conquest of their independence, but, on the other, they are trapped, because “The local police cannot confront the advance of these violent groups, equipped with sophisticated weapons and even drones that allow them to monitor everything that happens in the capital,” he points out.
On Wednesday, the United States, which supports and finances the deployment of this force, sent a message that sought to reassure. State Department spokesman Matthew Miller stated that the Presidential Transitional Council would be formed in the coming days, “paving the way for this mission to continue without delay.”
These comments were later qualified by the head of US diplomacy, Antony Blinken: “None of this is easy. None of this is going to happen overnight. But at least there is a plan, a process in place to achieve it.” .
Haitians cannot wait any longer for a path to security, stability, and democracy.
The United States and @CARICOMorg support a clear political transition plan, led by trusted representatives of Haitian society. pic.twitter.com/LmIbJyQgvx
—Secretary Antony Blinken (@SecBlinken) March 12, 2024
The problem is that in Haiti politics “is an income, a business,” says Jacques Nesi. “Everyone wants their own ministry, their own general direction. All this leads to quick enrichment in a context of total impunity,” he criticizes.
“There are incestuous relationships between the gangs, the State, the political actors and the economic actors,” continues the researcher, who compares the negotiations to form the transitional council to a “patchwork agreement.” “The international community knows that it is going to be very difficult for this to work,” he concludes.
On Thursday, March 14, Port-au-Prince's Toussaint-Louverture International Airport remained closed. The UN mission in Haiti has announced its intention to open an “air bridge” between the Dominican Republic and Haiti to “facilitate” the delivery of humanitarian aid and “the movement of its personnel.”
Article adapted from its original in French
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