If you want to have additional evidence of the failure of the political reform of 1977 who wanted to found a new system of matches and a new one democracythe slimmed-down image presented today by the organized opposition forces turns back the clock by almost 50 years. The frustrating and frustrated experience of BREAD in the six-year terms 2000-2006 and 2006-2012 and of PRI in 2012-2018 reveals the failure of the secret and open alliance PRI-PAN after 1988 to prevent the real transition to the democracy.
The return of Brunette the status of dominant party or hegemonic party must be seen in the light of the political rupture in the dominant block of the PRI in 1987 when the doors of the presidential succession to Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and the block of survivors of revolutionary nationalism that had revolved around the Democratic Current of the party, then as a stabilizing axis of the National Democratic Front and finally as the Party of the Democratic Revolution that had brought together all the gelatinous groups of the left, from communism to the alleged socialists invented by Luis Echeverría Álvarez.
After the electoral setback of June 2, the opposition entered a zone of disarticulation that seems to be tending towards a return to situations of isolation: the PAN has already broken with the PRI, the PRI is reformulating itself to become an opposition loyal to Morena’s presidentialism, and Movimiento Ciudadano cannot build credibility to become a true new option. The PT and the Green Party are playing it safe with their alliances with Morena.
The lesson that remains today from this struggle of the opposition since the first ruptures within the PRI starting in 1951 is found in the fact that these organizations, groups, currents and individuals were never a true opposition, that is, positions based on an alternative to the political group in charge of the Executive Branch.
The political reform of 1977 allowed for the possibility of opening loopholes in the party system with the registration of organizations ranging from Heberto Castillo’s Mexican Workers’ Party in 1974 to Cárdenas’ PRD in 1989. In those 15 years, none of the parties were able to build themselves as an organization of militants or classes capable of challenging the PRI for power at that time.
The PAN did not need political reform to change, because in 1973 it suffered an internal restructuring of power groups when employers’ lawyers, businessmen fed up with the economic dominance of the State and bureaucrats in middle and lower positions had already reoriented the PAN towards a position of business and not political alternation. Fox governed as an employee of Coca Cola and Calderón was never able to assume presidential power and remained as a PAN bureaucrat in a presidential position that surpassed him in possibilities.
The installation of the general Congress last Sunday after Morena’s two victories – the electoral one and the one in the distribution of plurinominal seats – showed a blurred opposition, without political or moral leaders, without party figures who could in some way give signs of being in a position to wage a legislative battle and above all with leaders in their own parties lacking any indications regarding the possibility of constructing an alternative proposal to Morena.
He BREAD and the PRI They are emerging, for better or worse, as the only possibility of building a legislative power opposition that faces the Overwhelming the qualified majority of Morena and alliesbut to assume that condition a total renewal of its leadership will be necessary because the current ones —Marko Cortes and Alejandro Moreno Cardenas Alito— bear the burden of the historic error of both parties of sponsoring the opposition candidacy of Xochitl Galvez Ruiza figure who represented the interests of the right and the social and business far right in the campaign.
If the PAN and the PRI do not restructure themselves after the setback of June 2, they will be unable to do anything to deal with the power hangover of Morena and its allies that has diminished the political importance of the opposition. The problem of opposition credibility so far lies in the inability to promote new leaderships with new social and political figures.
If Marko and Alito make it to the 2027 legislative elections, they could even lose their right to vote in the 2030 presidential elections.
This is the opposition that remained after the tsunami of June 2.
Politics for dummies: politics requires politicians, not partisan oligarchs.
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