The judicial reform produced something unthinkable: the division in obradorism. Contributors of the President Andres Manuel Lopez Obradorpoliticians, organic intellectuals, their columnists and the official newspaper, have expressed in public and in private their disapproval for its probable consequences and for the way in which the qualified majority was achieved to achieve their approval in the Senate.
Two arguments were presented to the president and they came to the same point, the popular election of judges, magistrates and ministerswhose selection and promotion would be driven by whoever had power and money. Here the arguments diverged. One was for the legal uncertainty for the politicization of justicefor the control over the selection process and punishment instruments that the Executive would have over the Judicial and Legislative Powers. Additionally, they raised the facilitating organized crime to buy judges. The other claim was that With money, opposing politicians could be promoted to the ideology of Morena, which could threaten them electorally.
Lopez Obrador rejected the arguments. He has insisted that there will be no economic impact from the reform and as he reiterated yesterday, the investmentsfar from being suspended, arrived this year in unprecedented amounts. In reality, the $35 billion of foreign direct investment referred to is reinvested profits, and only $650 million is new money. Instead, as The Wall Street Journal reported, $35 billion in planned investments were haltedin addition to that several multinationals -among them one of the main employers in the country-, They closed plants or are preparing to move out of Mexico.
The president is confident because he saw no impact on the exchange rate, although this was due to the fact that inflation in the United States fell, weakening the dollar, and because of the probability that the Federal Reserve will lower interest rates next week. López Obrador is in denial and disqualificationbut Moody’s, one of the institutions it has criticized, insisted on Wednesday that the reform could generate a prolonged shock of confidence, volatility and financial uncertainty, which would raise the cost of debt, put growth, public finances and investment grade at risk.
The minority around López Obrador won the internal debate and one of them was his arm in the Senate to operate the session on Tuesday and Wednesday, Alejandro Esquer, who works as his private secretary and as a senator. During the debate Esquer sat on one side of the plenary, was very discreet and only got up from his seat to go to the bathroom. But every time the coordinator of Morena, Adán Augusto López, stood up to lobby, he went through his customs to consult him. López Obrador, through Esquer, managed the strategy.
Esquer was also the one who managed the comments against the reform that were sent to the president, and he watched the door to see who he let in, even knowing that they would object. He was López Obrador’s main support so that he had no doubts about what he was doing, and the transmission belt so that things went as he needed them to.
One of the strategies was to get at least one senator who would give them a qualified majority. The coordinator of the bench was in charge of getting it and he managed to do so with the PAN member Miguel Ángel Yunes Márquez. But the senator lost his nerve and asked for leave for health reasons, using his substitute, his father, Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares, as an excuse to face the indignant PAN members at the start of the session.
It caused a stir because of Yunes Linares’ past and what he represents in the political history of the last 30 years, stained by scoundrelism against the left – sabotage of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas’ rallies -, manipulation of false documents insinuating corruption by López Obrador, betrayals to the PRI, his first party, to the teacher Elba Esther Gordillo who promoted him in the government of Felipe Calderón, and to the PAN, in addition to criminal charges for alleged pedophilia in complicity with the businessman Jean Succar Kuri, whom the activist and journalist Lydia Cacho denounced in a book in 2006.
Yunes Linares has a history of political twists and turns in exchange for impunity for himself, his children and his wife. In 2016, he negotiated with former President Enrique Peña Nieto the cancellation of six preliminary investigations for money laundering and fraud, and the non-exercise of criminal action in exchange for operating in Veracruz against Morena and López Obrador. The dispute with him is old – he called him “the crazy one” – and in 2020 López Obrador ordered that an investigation file be reactivated for operations with illicitly obtained resources. His children and Yunes Márquez’s wife also have ongoing investigation files.
Faced with allegations that the vote was in exchange for the cancellation of all investigations, López Obrador assured that this was false, which could be proven if the prosecutors report on the status of the investigations and guarantee that they will continue the process. The end justified the immorality of using Yunes Linares and Yunes Márquez to push through the reform, although López Obrador made clear his contempt for them: expelled from their bench, Morena did not support them in its own; they were left without a seat, standing in the corridor exposed to any aggression.
However, his political use has been impossible to assimilate in his allied media and paid columnists, who do not find sufficient political justification to support such a discredited family and against whom there are so many criminal complaints. Rocío Nahle, the elected governor of Veracruz and his staunch enemy, had to swallow the presidential toads. Citlalli Hernández, who will lead the National Institute for Women, and several declared feminists of Morena in the Senate, did the same.
The judicial reform, in substance and form, left a bad taste in the mouths of ObradorismThere will be no break, but with the immorality of the presidential actions, there can be no innocence either.
X: @rivapa_oficial
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