Holocaust deniers, neo-Nazis camouflaged as senderistas or historical fascists doing business with a former chief inspector of the National Police. Together with Revuelta, the phantom association used by Vox to encourage protests against the PSOE, this is the x-ray of the small ultra groups that have exhibited muscle in the mobilizations against the amnesty:
National Democracy: children of denialism
The president of National Democracy, Pedro Chaparro, boasts that in 2010 he was the first young man to give a lecture at the Europa Bookstore, a Holocaust denialist incubator run in Catalonia by the neo-Nazi Pedro Varela.
At 37 years old and with four children, Chaparro is now gathered in front of the socialist headquarters of Ferraz in Madrid. He has been giving the callus two hours a day for more than a week. Since he is in the third degree of prison, he is mobilized with an electronic anklet that monitors his movements and requires him to spend a minimum of eight hours at his home. The Supreme Court sentenced him in 2020 to two years and nine months in prison for boycotting an event of the Generalitat of Catalonia at the Blanquerna cultural center in Madrid in 2013 along with 13 other assailants. He says he’s only been in jail for six months. “Penitentiary Institutions adapt to my schedule,” explains the spokesperson for this unrepresented party, which claims to have “7,000 active members” and avoids specifying how many pay the monthly fee of 10 euros. “It is sensitive information,” he justifies.
Founded in 1995 from the ashes of Cedade – a historic international reference of National Socialism based in Barcelona and sponsored by the Belgian fascist León Degrelle, a friend of Hitler – and the embers of Radical Action – a Nazi collective that spread hatred in Valencia in the 1990s. to drug addicts, immigrants and homosexuals—National Democracy has written its history from the controversy. In 2021, the party’s youth called for the release of Josué Estébanez, a former neo-Nazi soldier sentenced to 26 years in prison for the 2007 murder of anti-fascist Carlos Palomino in the Madrid metro.
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When asked about the party’s ideological lighthouse, Chaparro is clear: the former MEP and founder of the neo-fascist Forza Nuova, Roberto Fiore. A former fugitive convicted in absentia by Italian justice, Fiore joined the ranks of the Revolutionary Armed Nucleus (ARN), an organization involved in the Bologna attack in which 85 people died in 1980.
When asked if he believes that the Holocaust resulted in the death of six million Jews, Chaparro remains silent.
Spain 2000: public money and business with a former chief inspector of the National Police
At 69 years old, José Luis Roberto, lawyer and security businessman, has lost his place as an extremist reference. Since he founded Spain 2000 more than two decades ago, a formation with 2,500 militants based in Valencia that agitates the anti-immigration discourse and looks in the mirror of lepenist French National Front, the trail of this admirer of the great man of national fascism Ramiro Ledesma Ramos has faded. The emergence of Vox and an internal split that was forged in 2020 with the birth of the Make a Nation party put an end to the days of wine and roses of this group that in 2015 obtained six councilors in four municipalities in Madrid’s Corredor del Henares. Today, it lacks representation.
Roberto combines the megaphone in front of the PSOE headquarters in Valencia with business. Former general secretary of the Anela brothel association, the leader of España 2000 appears as the representative of Levantina de Seguridad SL, a company with 250 employees created in 1979, which in 2021 had a turnover of 6.2 million, according to the commercial registry. Since 2017, his conglomerate has received at least 900,000 euros of public money. The Geological and Mining Institute of Spain (550,000 euros); the Ramón Pignatelli Student Residence and Study Center, dependent on the Zaragoza Provincial Council (159,436); and the Delegation of Economy and Finance of Tarragona (125,928) were its main contractors, according to the Contracting Platform.
In conversation with EL PAÍS, the leader of Spain 2000, reveals his business connections:
—Since we created our Levantina de Seguridad subsidiary in the Dominican Republic, Lanceros, one of the three partners is Ricardo Ferris [hasta 2022 inspector jefe de la Policía Nacional].
According to the D&B commercial database, Lanceros began operating in the Caribbean country more than a decade ago. This newspaper has tried without success to obtain the version of the National Police. And Ferris won’t come to the phone. “If the investment were in a screw factory, nothing would happen, but since it is in a security company, it is a flagrant irregularity. Reason for expulsion,” says a former chief inspector of the National Police.
Last year, the Interior struck down Ferris as head of the Valencia central police station, after the command linked immigration and crime through hoaxes in a Vox conference.
FACTA: fascists with backpacks
The self-employed businessman Carlos San Frutos Sevilleja combines the management of the El Rincón Hispánico bookstore in Madrid with the leadership of this group that attracts dozens of young people with the lure of mountain routes.
His movement distributes neo-Nazi and fascist material online through a business that was born in 2016 under the cover of “selling clothing,” according to the commercial registry. Its offer includes Confederate flags, a supremacist emblem of the southern states of the United States that fought to maintain slavery; towels with the motto Werewolf, a military unit of the Third Reich created to combat the Allied advance with assassinations and sabotage; or t-shirts from the Greek neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn.
Since 2021, former Cesid agent (previous of the CNI) Diego Camacho and Air Force Colonel Carlos Martínez-Vara de Rey have participated in his conferences. Also, prominent figures of neo-fascism such as the founder of the Terza Posizione group, Gabriele Adinolfi, who fled Italy after his connection with the 1980 Bologna station attack, which took the lives of 85 people.
“Our time has come,” San Frutos warned last February before a hundred people in the La Almudena cemetery in Madrid, during a tribute to the Blue Division, the unit of 45,000 Spanish volunteers that fought alongside the Third Reich against the Soviet troops. during world war II.
Although Facta has not descended into the political arena, its leader has dabbled in ultra candidacies. After running in 2008 and 2009 for National Democracy, San Frutos was active in the neo-fascist association Student Response. With 1,500 followers on Telegram, the businessman has declined to respond to this newspaper.
Making a Nation: Patriotic Hope
“They are the only ones who have any strength.” A former ideologist of a far-right group thus defines the effervescence of Hace Nación, a party with two councilors in Velilla de San Antonio (Madrid, 12,193 inhabitants) that emerged from a split from España 2000.
With tentacles in Madrid, Jaén and Asturias, the origins of this formation that brings together around thirty militants in Ferraz must be sought in small groups such as the Iberia Cruor from Jaen, a youth association with a neo-fascist aesthetic that promotes itself with videos by Pedro Varela.
At 34 years old, Mario Martos, a graduate in Political Science and a candidate for Treasury technician, is its general secretary. He claims that he is dragging 500 militants. A legion of young people between 25 and 35 years old, among whom lawyers and employees of large companies predominate. Its financing is fueled by monthly fees of 10 euros and donations. The group earned 12,000 euros in this way in the last municipal elections.
Making a Nation has attacked immigration, the Trans Law and the 2030 Agenda. And, during its days, historical ex-militants of Cedade such as Laureano Luna and emerging figures from the ultra groups have paraded. Among them, Thaïs d’Escufon, from Génération Identitaire, a small anti-Islam group dissolved two years ago by the French Government, which attributed it to having received donations from members of supremacist and racist organizations, such as Brenton Tarrant, who attacked Muslims in 2019. in Christchurch (New Zealand).
The Falangists: nostalgia and judicial puddles
The leader of the Spanish Falange and the Jons, the 47-year-old civil servant Norberto Pico, mobilizes 50 comrades in Ferraz every day. His blue militia is part of a team of 1,000 members paid for with fees of 15 euros, dinners, lottery sales and donations (10,000 euros in the last elections). Along with him, the head of the other faction also goes to the socialist headquarters. joseantoniana, Manuel Andrino, from La Falange. Convicted of the assault on the Blanquerna bookstore, Andrino has declined to speak to EL PAÍS, the newspaper that revealed that in 2015 he was arrested for illegal possession of weapons and obtained a pistol through the network of Civil Guard colonel Rodolfo Sanz Sánchez, Rudolph.
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