European funds, the Spanish Presidency, the Doñana environmental disaster, the blockade of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ), the amnesty law and now the tripping of Teresa Bank. The list of attempts by the Spanish PP to tarnish the image and management of the Government of Peter Sanchez It is wide. And it comes from afar. But these days, from Genoa they have taken another step that puts the company itself on the ropes. Ursula von der Leyena fellow member, and opens, with Ribera’s veto, a scenario that could lead to an institutional crisis within the EU.
The PP has been carrying its war against the PSOE to the community capital for years. Spain is a case sui generisthe country that most extrapolates national debates to European institutions. The domestic fights, the harsh tone and the attempts to exploit the EU for political gains at home reach another dimension in the Spanish case. And it is already generating a certain amount of boredom among its European peers.
The debate that the Brussels Plenary held this week on the DANA disaster once again became an extension of the Congress of Deputies. The Spaniards took the opportunity to point the finger of blame at their political rival. “More than 200 people have died. That should be the center of this debate. It seems that we are in the Spanish Parliament where they are attacking each other instead of taking care of the victims of this disaster. “It is a political game and that does not honor the victims.”asserted the Dutch MEP Bas Eickhout. Shortly before, the popular Esteban González Pons stated in reference to Ribera: “The competent minister [de las inundaciones] is it going to be awarded? Is the competent minister going to be promoted when there are still unrecovered bodies under the mud?[…] I know the dead, you don’t.” For her part, the socialist Iratxe García Pérez accused the PP of use the “same protocol” in the face of each disaster: “Hide the truth, attack experts, deny errors and politicize the tragedy.”
Although this has been normal for a long time, the current feeling is that The popular veto of Ribera to save Carlos Mazón has exceeded some limits. Those from Feijóo have convinced the leader of the PPE, Manfred Weberthat we must try to overthrow the Spanish. If before they asked for a vote in favor of S&D as an exchange so that Raffaele Fittocandidate of the ultra Giorgia Meloniholds another vice presidency in the Community Executive, now they up the ante and also demand Ribera’s appearance in the Congress of Deputies and her resignation if she is prosecuted by DANA.
In favor of the delegation he leads Dolors Montserrat plays his closeness to Weber. The German has always participated very actively in the campaign against the Spanish Government to the point that García Pérez has accused him on several occasions of appearing to be the leader of the opposition. This is not only explained by the weight of the Spanish, who constitute the most important national delegation of the EPP only behind the Germans; but also for the pending accounts that Weber himself maintains Von der Leyenwith whom he shares a political card, nationality and a long history of disagreements. With this order, Weber increases the pressure and puts the Berlaymont tenant on the ropeswho is eager to start his second term on December 1, as planned. If the forces of the European Parliament do not reach an agreement, the start of Commission 2.0 will be postponed in the best of cases, and would blow up, leading to an institutional crisis, in the worst. The feeling is that finally the agreement will be possible in extremis. The great unknown lies in how far social democracy will be willing to give in.
From European funds to the rule of law
Feijóo’s PP has followed the strategy that it already mastered with its predecessor in office Pablo Casado. After the coronavirus pandemic, Spain was the first EU country to receive the first tranche of European funds from the anti-crisis plan and its national recovery plan has been blessed on several occasions by Brussels. From the PP they have denounced on numerous occasions the management of the funds by the Spanish Executive. In 2022 sent to Brussels a delegation of mayors, headed by José Luis Martínez-Almeida from Madrid“to explain to the European Commission what the Government of Spain is doing and stop once and for all.” The Government described this movement as “disloyal”, “unpatriotic” and “against the interests of the country.”
However, one of the great totems in recent months has focused on the situation of the Rule of Law and the blockade – already resolved – of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ). “Spain suffers a worrying drift of democratic degradation, institutional deterioration and government irresponsibility caused by the latest decisions of its Government,” said Montserrat, in a debate held last year in the European Parliament where the judicial situation, the election of president of the Constitutional Court, the blockade of the CGPJ, the reforms in the Penal Code or the collateral effects of the law only yes is yeswhich has led to reduced sentences for hundreds of sexual criminals. Despite attempts to internationalize criticism of the rule of law in Spain – which the opposition came to equate with that of Hungary and Poland -, Brussels always put itself in profile and did not intercede or speak out about this kingdom of Taifas.
Shortly after, The right failed in the attempt to internationalize criticism of the amnesty in the European Parliament and they were again met with a familiar response: “It’s an internal matter.” A few months into the Spanish Presidency of the Council of the EU, Weber himself came to question Spain’s aid to Ukraine, a sacrosanct issue in Brussels. “We arrived at the Spanish Presidency with uncertainty about whether they are in favor of supporting Ukraine or not. Podemos must clarify their position and Sánchez must clarify what the position of the Spanish Government is on Ukraine, we cannot accept any uncertainty at this moment in history “said the German Christian Democrat.
On one occasion, The European Commission was forced to deny the PPwho after receiving several setbacks due to the Doñana environmental disaster, was saddled with the minister’s son Luis Planaswho receives the same name and is one of the two assistants of the general director of the Environment, Florika Fink-Hooijer. The popular ones accused Planas junior of writing the critical reports that Brussels sent to the Andalusian Government. “The one who fills out the papers and answers is the son of Minister Planas,” said Antonio Sanz, advisor to the Presidency of the Junta de Andalucía. A criticism that Weber himself redoubled, directly accusing the European Commission “of wearing a red shirt to campaign for Sánchez.” Shortly after declaring the state of alarm in the context of the pandemic, the popular party sent a report to the Berlaymont accusing the Government of exceeding its powers and “covering up death tolls.”
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