Genoíno: Armed Forces owe the country an apology

Special advisor to the Ministry of Defense during the Dilma government, former federal deputy José Genoíno believes that the coup acts of January 8, 2022 still require reflection and action.

Former president of the Workers' Party (PT) and one of the acronym's references for military matters, Genoíno considers that it is not possible to separate the Armed Forces institution from the actions of the military directly involved in the coup acts. In his view, the institution supported that movement that began with Lula's victory on October 30th.

Genoíno was a guerrilla fighter during the military dictatorship and, after redemocratization, he participated in the founding of the PT, a party for which he was elected and re-elected successively as federal deputy. He resigned from his position 10 years ago, amid allegations of corruption, which he denies and had a criminal conviction imposed four years ago.

In an interview with Brazil Agencythe PT member evaluates the policy in the area of ​​defense and believes that it is necessary to punish not only those soldiers who vandalized the buildings in Brasília, but mainly those who organized the movement that formed camps in front of the barracks throughout the country.

Check out the interview below:

Brazil Agency: What was the role of the Armed Forces, institutionally, and of military personnel, individually, in the events that ended on January 8th?

Genoino: The Armed Forces committed themselves transparently and deeply to the political crisis that began with the preparation of the coup [impeachment de Dilma Rousseff]the election of the unnameable Bolsonaro and the events that marked the four years of the Bolsonaro government.

The demonstrations on September 7th in 2021 and 2022, the statements by military authorities, they supported that type of government, that type of policy, the destruction of the country, the international shame of Brazil, the policy in relation to Covid, the policy in in relation to social movements, politics in relation to Congress, they were a supporting force.

Therefore, there is no way to separate January 8th from what happened in the camps, in the statements, in the questioning of electronic voting machines and all that articulation, because there was a strong attempt at democratic rupture, constitutional rupture, and which had the support of the Armed Forces.

One part wanted to have an adventure, another part feared not being able to withstand the outcome of a coup and another part remained silent. Therefore, I think the Armed Forces institution owes the country an apology.

Brazil Agency: Is it not possible to separate the military personnel who participated in the acts of the Armed Forces institution?

Genoino: This is more or less what the experience of the democratic transition was like from 1979 to 1985. 'Those who violated human rights were individuals, not the institution'. This cannot be separated. If the institution does not make a political statement, does not punish those who did it, those who were on the front line, if the institution does not make an assessment because its members were involved in a true national tragedy, they give, either by omission or by collusion, support to this type of rupture.

Therefore, I think that within the Armed Forces there was an authoritarian and messianic vision of transforming Bolsonaro's government into a rise of the Armed Forces to political power. This is very clear from the way they occupied their positions, the way they influenced government decisions and why they never expressed the slightest displeasure with this.

Brazil Agency: What assessment do you make of the measures in response to the involvement of the military and the Armed Forces in the coup movement?

Genoino: You [generais] four stars of the Three Forces who questioned electronic voting machines, who demonstrated that they did not respect the result of popular sovereignty through voting, who created restrictions on popular sovereignty expressed in Lula's election, these four stars should not hold a leadership position in command of the three Forces Armed.

The Armed Forces are not prepared for national defense. During this period, they did not take care of what is essential for national defense: technological development, South American integration and Brazil's insertion in the world. The Armed Forces were imbued and influenced by the idea of ​​cultural Marxism preached by the extreme right, against political correctness, against the left, against movements for emancipation. Ultimately, they adopted a stance that rescues the vision of guardianship.

Brazil Agency: What assessment do you make of the maintenance of the GSI under Army control and the transfer of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin) to the Civil House?

Genoino: I think the GSI had to be extinguished. The problem is that this vision of bringing together the entire intelligence system in a single body is an authoritarian and outdated vision.

This idea of ​​having an intelligence system gathered in a body, the Institutional Security Office, headed by a four-star, I think that old view that intelligence and information is a strategic matter under military control. I disagree with this political and organic configuration of the Institutional Security Office.

Brazil Agency: What should be done so that January 8th does not happen again?

Genoino: I think that the parties that support the government, the parties in the National Congress and the government's investigative bodies should act to avoid any shielding. As has always happened in the history of Brazil, we will investigate so that no one is blamed. This was the mark of the transition from 1979 to 1985.

I think the CPMI report from January 8th is a good report and should be the basis for investigation. We cannot have investigation and arrest of just the skinny ones, from the bottom floor, those who were in the militaristic adventure of January 8th. And who articulated it? Who financed it? And the camps? Were those camps natural? They weren't, that's an old wives' tale.

Therefore, I think the question that is being asked is that slogan of Lula's inauguration on January 1st: no amnesty. I think Brazil has to clean up this dramatic period in its history.

The past does not pass away, it has to be evaluated, it has to be discussed in a democratic way. And this issue cannot just be an attitude of the police and justice, it must also be a demonstration by the population in public squares.

That's why I think it's very important that January 8th is remembered not only in the National Congress, but also in Cinelândia, Paulista and in various public squares across the country.

Brazil Agency: In relation to the punishments and investigations that the Armed Forces opened against soldiers who participated in camps or on January 8th, what is your assessment?

Genoino: They are symbolic punishments, they are a kind of make-believe. I think that the Armed Forces, I'm not saying all of them, but mainly some of their members who played a prominent role on January 8th are still preserved.

And I think this will be a dilemma for the Federal Supreme Court. As the STF is punishing those who vandalized the palaces, will it only be limited to those? Or will it also affect those who, according to Minister Alexandre Moraes, intended to kill him, intended to arrest him?

On the other hand, it wasn't just January 8th. And December 12th? Those acts of vandalism in Brasília to destroy the Federal Police headquarters. And what about the campers who continued to camp? This has to be investigated, it has to be reported, it has to be discussed.

Therefore, I think that the STF has adopted positive positions, which is why they are criticized by the most truculent sector of the right, but it cannot just be limited to the skinny ones. There needs to be a broad investigation so that the country knows the extent, dimension and what punishments should be carried out.

Brazil Agency: What opportunities for change does January 8th open up for Brazil?

Genoino: I think the democratic issue is within the country's transformation agenda. The democratic issue involves changing the relationship between powers, changing the relationship between powers and society, establishing firmer and more transparent norms, mainly so that we can preserve the principle of popular sovereignty, the universal principle of rights and guarantees and respect for the rules of the democratic game.

I think Brazil cannot be the country of democratic intervals. Not even the democratic issue can be a kind of mistake, as Sérgio Buarque said. From the 1988 Constitution to now, we have had a long period of Constitution, but the institutional disarray continues to exist and we have to address this issue with institutional political reforms so that democracy is something concrete not only from a political point of view, but mainly to improve the quality of life of the Brazilian people.