It's been almost a year since Alejandro Encinaswho for decades walked alongside Andrés Manuel López Obrador, fell from the president's favor. He crime against the 43 normalistas from Ayotzinapa that united them in the presidential campaign and with their promises they raised high expectations that they would find them and know the truth of what happened to them on the night of September 26, 2014, also He separated them. Today there is not only distancing but one breaking off which has been deepening in recent weeks.
The violence of the Ayotzinapa normalistas In the first days of March this process began. In these demonstrations several jyoung people broke down a door of the National Palace in protest of the stagnation in research about the fate of the normalistas. The same day, Lopez Obrador said it was a movement against his government, “a very clear provocation plan.” In the following days, inside the National Palace, Holm oaks for the facts, for having provided them with resources to mobilize and encouraged the protest.
In those days, however, the information available was that his intention had not been against the president, but rather as a form of pressure to ensure that the military those who were held responsible for the crime of the normalistas definitely end up in jail. In that context, the president's private secretary and man of all his confidence, Alejandro Esquer, sought him out to ask him to stop inflaming the issue of Ayotzinapa and to deactivate Vidulfo Rosales, the lawyer for the parents of the normalistas, who is a central figure in the mobilization and negotiation strategy.
Things depressurized, but new information about Encinas was emerging. Military intelligence reports detected that it was Encinas who had not only encouraged the protest, but also asked Rosales to escalate it to the demolition of the door at the National Palace. The reports also indicated him as the instigator of the violent action by the normalistas at the Ministry of the Interior, at the end of February, where they set off firecrackers.
Encinas' disruptive and violent activism, according to government information, escalated, as recorded by Army military intelligence. The former Undersecretary of the Interior for Human Rights and head of the Commission for the Truth of the Ayotzinapa Case until last October, has a historical grievance against the military, which he transferred to the investigation he headed, where he insisted on proving that there were commanders and troops who participated in the disappearance of the young people, colluding with the criminal organization of the Guerreros Unidos. There are eight soldiers detained, among a total of 17 to whom he points out responsibilities in that black episode.
The friction with the president began with the implosion that occurred in the Attorney General's Office in September 2022, when all authority was removed from the then prosecutor for the Ayotzinapa Case, Omar Gómez Trejo, brought there by Encinas. The two had built a case against the military, based on testimonies from criminals, including Gildardo Astudillo, the head of the Guerreros Unidos plaza in Iguala, and one of those who gave the order to disappear the normalistas, who declared him six times until that they squared their statements to accuse the soldiers, or of falsified evidence, that confronted them with the Army.
López Obrador, who held him in high esteem, defended him from the prosecutor and the high military commanders and commented in the National Palace that his fixations with the Army were very strong. He publicly supported him until, in the face of pressure from the military high command and evidence presented by the Prosecutor's Office regarding the manipulation of Gómez Trejo as prosecutor of the Ayotzinapa Case to blame commanders and soldiers for the crime and denounce a cover-up by the Secretariat of National Defense, he he was forced to resign.
Encinas resigned on September 22 and the next day he joined Claudia Sheinbaum's presidential campaign. It was an alliance that caused a lot of surprise because it had been one of the most important pieces that derailed the candidacy of Omar García Harfuch, who was promoting Sheinbaum to the government of Mexico City. Encinas was accused by López Obrador's close team of having promoted the normalistas' marches to identify him as one of those responsible for his disappearance, after his last report linked him to the crime.
That alliance did not last long. On December 17, Clara Brugada, whom Encinas had supported for the capital's head of government, announced that she would be her campaign coordinator. Sheinbaum's relationship with Brugada is bad, and López Obrador's instructions for them to make peace have not been fruitful. Currently, faced with the risk that Brugada will lose the election and Morena will lose Mexico City, there is coordination between the two campaigns, difficult, but in search of achieving victory.
This tactical electoral alliance will be ephemeral, because the offenses and humiliation that Encinas contributed to against Sheinbaum will not be forgotten. But this is a problem in the long term. At this moment, Encinas' concern should be in the Army's intelligence information and the eventual reaction that López Obrador may have in the face of accusations of rebellion and actions that have damaged the presidential image.
Ayotzinapa is a nightmare for the president, who does not want to inherit the next government. The investigation that he commissioned from Encinas did not lead to anything substantially different from what Enrique Peña Nieto's government did, but it generated tensions and pressures with the Army and the Prosecutor's Office to the extent that approximately a month ago he hinted that he was willing to sacrifice him. It is difficult to know what the president was referring to specifically, but the annoyance grew notably after military reports about Encinas' rebellious attitude without caring about the president, which could lead him to consider an exemplary action against his old collaborator to save face with Ayotzinapa. .
X: @rivapa
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