A Spain subscribed to political anxiety is facing a devilish blockade after general elections that have blown up the forecasts to the point of leaving the investiture in the hands of Junts, the party of the fugitive Carles Puigdemont, located with its valuable seven seats in the faithful of the balance before the tie of the blocks to the right and left. Alberto Núñez Feijóo has won these elections for the PP, but his 136 seats have fallen far short of the expectations fueled by most of the polls against a Pedro Sánchez who wrote a new chapter last night in his ‘Resistance Manual’ rising to 122 deputies, two more than he had and when he seemed to have run out of gasoline with the accused territorial setback of the PSOE on May 28.
The pyrrhic victory of the Galician leader, who also did not manage to add an absolute majority with Vox -Abascal’s fell from 52 to 33 seats in Congress-, and the insufficient stamina of Sánchez himself, for whom Sumar’s 31 is not enough and will need all the sovereignism to reissue the reviled ‘Frankenstein Government’, lead to a tie between ‘bibloquism’ that leads to the paralysis of a ungovernable country. Although the sensations were very uneven in Genoa and Ferraz, with Feijóo stamped against a Sánchez who appeared excited by the revelry of his team and who can be congratulated for the coup de effect of having precipitated the generals to such an unusual, torrid and holiday date as July 23 that ended up reactivating the left based on the high participation, what is coming is anticipated as a gymkhana plagued with thorns.
The leader of the PP went out on the balcony of Genoa after midnight on Sunday and when all his rivals, including Santiago Abascal who reproached him for having “sold the bear’s skin before hunting it”, had already spoken out to try to revive his followers before a very bittersweet victory. Feijóo sought to short-circuit the enthusiasm in the ‘sanchismo’ that he intended to repeal without being able to do so by announcing that he will undertake “dialogue” at the head of the force with the most votes to try to form a government and placing the milestone of his strategy: appeal to the PSOE so that it is not tempted to subject the country to “another blockade”. “We are going to work to prevent it,” proclaimed the former president of the Xunta.
But beyond Feijóo’s urgent message and waiting for the edges that may emerge within the party, it is the Socialist candidate for re-election who has the best chance of retaining Moncloa. Of course, as long as it arouses the ‘yes’ of all its sovereignist partners -willing in the campaign to fatten the bill for their demands, with ERC and Bildu demanding a joint referendum for Catalonia and the Basque Country in the legislature that will begin on August 17 with the constitution of the Cortes- and, above all, having to neutralize the opposition of Junts, which has set its insurmountable bar in holding a secessionist plebiscite. .
rewards and punishments
Puigdemont’s party has lost its footing together with ERC in Catalonia against a PSC that rose last night to an exceptional 19 deputies and that limited the PP’s rebound to six; but the most extremist secessionism has been revived thanks to a poisoned Spanish recount to overwhelm an Esquerra that has lost six of its 13 seats and half of the votes harvested in November 2019. There is no better portrait of the implosion registered at the polls than the fact that governance is hanging from a man who fled from justice for organizing an illegal referendum against the constitutional State. And after the Government of Sánchez has suppressed the crime of sedition from the Criminal Code and lowered that of embezzlement to satisfy an ERC that sees how the separatist electorate punishes, via vote or abstention, its pragmatic commitment to support the Executive of the PSOE and United We Can.
In an evening of calculator and speculation, the popular could add 171 seats if they link theirs to those of Vox -the horizon always unwanted by Feijóo-, UPN and Coalición Canaria. On the other hand, the resilience of Sánchez involves incorporating Sumar, whose 31 parliamentarians do not reach the 38 of Unidas Podemos and Más País, but they serve for Yolanda Díaz to make up her debut in the fight for Moncloa; to that Esquerra in low hours; to a PNV that is no longer the first party in the Basque Country and Navarra with representation in Congress; an empowered Bildu, who, as happened on 28-M, is once again the most favored Sánchez partner due to his pact-based possibility in Madrid; and the BNG. Among all they would gather 172 deputies. But the key, if the ‘bibloquism’ does not flinch, is kept by Puigdemont in Waterloo.
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