If you understand well the games strategic canthe opposition candidate Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz came to the Vatican to refuel the ideological content of the political-religious right of the BREAD and ask that the Holy See become a parallel INE, while the agenda of the Morenoist candidate Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo was reduced to making very clear the elections They will be between Mexican politicians without foreign interventions.
The Catholic Church has had bad references regarding the Catholic Church in national history: he fought Juárez, blessed Maximilian, created the Catholic party to gain political power, rebelled against the Constitution of 1917, promoted the Cristero counterrevolution and finally agreed with Carlos Salinas de Gortari on the reform that recognized the legal existence of the Church in return to bless the electoral fraud of 1988 and legitimize the Salinist project.
The candidate's political agenda in the Vatican Galvez Ruiz It was none other than that of the conservative Panism that has opposed Mexican social advances in terms of the recognition of sexual rights, the reforms in favor of divorce and the legalization of abortion, decisions that were pivoted by the PRD of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas. and Rosario Robles Berlanga and that today the salinized and neoliberalized PRD of Los Chuchos are endorsing the social counter-reform led by the PAN in matters of sexual rights.
Given the inability of the opposition to take advantage of the advantages of the electoral structure after the 1988 fraud, the PAN has established the strategy of having its candidate Gálvez Ruiz travel around the world – Washington, Madrid, Rome – singing in advance of an election. of State and an electoral fraud that does not seem viable due to the current configuration of the electoral organizations and trying to sell the idea that the June election will be a repetition of those that led to the PAN electoral fraud of 2006 and the PRI electoral fraud of 1988.
In practical terms, the church lacks political instruments to intervene in Mexican public affairs. Within the Mexican episcopate there are no proactive figures who could lead power groups against the Morena Government. History remembers when ultra-conservative bishops of Sonora and Chihuahua allied themselves with the barbaric businessmen of the north, the PAN of Luis H. Alvarez and the US embassy of John Gavin in 1984 and 1985 to use the churches as electoral horns, and very much in the tone of the Cristero counterrevolution threatened to close temples in Chihuahua in 1986 so that the PAN candidate for governor would win.
President López Obrador's political strategy with the church has been one of institutional distance, but making it clear that earthly power makes politics and religious power negotiates passes to heaven. The two ideological extremes of the Church – the extreme right and liberation theology – have lost the capacity for political action, especially due to two facts that have to do with the faith of Mexicans: the personal beliefs that are demonstrated are maintained every December 12 in La Villa, but it diminishes the declaration of faith that today could be found in 70% of Mexicans, when it reached more than 90%.
There is no voice or opportunity in the strategy of the Mexican episcopate to get involved in the electoral issue; With Fox, activism was exhausted in the procedures to annul her first marriage, Calderón did not give interest to the support of the Church and Peña Nieto had her close only to legitimize her second marriage. And the role of some priests who were very close to drug trafficking cartels, especially in Tijuana and Guadalajara, remains to be investigated.
Due to the way in which the PAN candidate Gálvez Ruiz's visit to the private offices of Pope Francis was organized, the event was only a personal audience that did not find receptivity in political matters, while the visit of the candidate Sheinbaum Pardo had more political-strategic significance to make it clear that the Catholic Church has nothing to do in Mexican electoral processes.
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