In just 22 days, Claudia Sheinbaum will be in charge of a different country than the one that voted for a moderate woman, with academic solidity and governmental effectiveness. judicial reform It will be toxic for all levels of our politics; Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador He fathered a generation of tens of millions of Mexicans open – sometimes to the point of delirium – to the temptation of supporting a authoritarian regime. The next one cabinet He was colonized by the Palace, and the Tabasco leader is now promoting his controversial son as a strong man in the official party.
The hope of avoiding the derailment of our young democracy – so slowly built – is supported by statistical reports according to which at least a third of the officialism does not agree with the judicial reform, and this could be revealed in the vote scheduled for this week in the Senate. The other part of hope is oriented towards an urgent agreement between powers, public and transparent, so that the Judiciary undergo major surgery, but to solve specific problems, not to make them worse. Sheinbaum and the minister Norma Lucia Pineapple they must talk.
The current gap between the two has been deepening as Sheinbaum has ignored several requests for dialogue made by the president of the Federal judiciary. When at the end of April the Minister Pineapple He met with a group of journalists and media executives and was asked about the existence of communication channels with the president-elect’s team. He replied: “Among my collaborators there are some who say they know someone who could help build bridges. But these things are not resolved this way.”
During that same period, an attempt was made to establish a communication channel with the Court through Justice Juan Luis González Alcántara Carrancá, appointed at the suggestion of López Obrador and who is believed to be close to Dr. Sheinbaum. Upon learning of this, the Tabasco governor launched a campaign of insults and disqualifications against that judge, whom he has called a traitor.
The former head of the capital’s government failed in a weak initial attempt to postpone the constitutional change that will set the justice system in Mexico on fire, nor did she make good on her idea of a National Guard in civilian hands. Now she will see that both issues will attract demons, mark her administration and provoke a convulsion in the country’s internal life and in the relationship it maintains with its partners and allies, especially the United States.
In contrast, Sheinbaum managed to ensure that reforms proposed by López Obrador, such as the elimination of autonomous bodies and an electoral reform that would cause a regression in the bodies in charge of the matter – in continuous adjustment since the 1970s – have so far been placed beyond the reach of the outgoing president.
A significant part of the damage has already been done. The achievements of the six-year term in terms of poverty, pensions and workers’ income have begun to fade with the impact of a more expensive dollar, persistent high inflation, investment stagnation in the midst of the nearshoring boom and the proximity of the review of the USMCA, which is the basis not only for agreed policies in terms of trade, but especially for investments.
Every day we receive warning signs from around the world, anticipating the profound damage that these reforms (in many cases, actually counter-reforms) will have on our economy, our democracy and our place in the world.
Last weekend, The Economist drew on its broad influence in the international financial community to emphasize what can be expected from the entry into force of the aforementioned reforms, especially the judicial reform. It wrote about them: “It will harm President Sheinbaum, weaken democracy, curb investment and damage Mexico’s relationship with the United States and Canada.”
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