The leaders of the Alianza Va por México agreement that the girl had made to defeat Morena in the election for the governorship of the state of Mexico, due to the way in which they minimized their defeat and found in forced arguments reasons to say that although they lost, it was not so bad, because they had come back from a disadvantage of more than 20 points. The president of the PAN, Marko Cortés, affirmed that the alliance was powerful and added votes, explaining what would have happened if they had not gone in a coalition this Sunday, in an exercise in cheap rhetoric, which did not prevent them from reconfirming that they would continue together until 2024.
But if that holds up in fact, running for the presidency next year will be an idle exercise, and that coalition will be destined for defeat. You don’t need to summon Cassandra to see that future. It is enough to see what they did in the Mexican elections to realize that, by design, by negotiation, by terror, by betrayal or simply because they could not, are incapable of generating a competitive and winning alternative. The counterargument of the overwhelming victory of the PRI member Manolo Jiménez in Coahuila, does not hold up since that victory was not the product of the coalition, but rather the work of Governor Miguel Riquelme and the selection of a very good candidate.
The state of Mexico was the laboratory where the Alianza Va por México was put to the test and was shipwrecked. Alejandro Moreno, president of the PRI, and Jesús Zambrano, leader of the PRD, blamed the PRI governor Alfredo del Mazo. “We have to censor the omission of the governor with the versions that the position was delivered beforehand,” said Zambrano. “This is what happens when a governor turns his back on his party and operates against him,” added Paloma Sánchez, PRI press and propaganda officer, and a key figure in Moreno. “Serious question, which embassy will Alfredo del Mazo have negotiated?”
There are reasons to hold Del Mazo responsible for the defeat, such as having imposed Alejandra del Moral, who was not who Morena wanted, and having forced the campaign, above his strategist Roberto Trad, to do what Francisco Sarmiento indicated. , general coordinator of the government’s Strategy and Image, and Ricky Arango, head of the consultancy, to contend without competing, and fight without confrontation. The governor, neither for better nor for worse, got involved in the campaign, as part of an agreement with the government, forged with the attorney general, Alejandro Gertz Manero, who on Sunday suggested in the National Palace, as recognition for having fulfilled the agreement – the scope of which is unknown -, offer him one of the great embassies and secure him a position in the cabinet of the next government.
It is true that Del Mazo He abandoned territorial political-electoral work during his six-year term, which led to an abandonment of PRI militancy, such as the fact that PRI women were not incorporated into the Salario Rosa social program. Nor did he do anything to clean the face of the PRI, which the surveys registered as a brand turned into a liability that hurt Del Moral more than it helped her. However, a member of her campaign said, in their internal polls they saw that the negatives against the PRI were the same as those of Morena.
The underlying problem, which is what Va por México wants to ignore in the face of ’24, is that no one fulfilled their vote commitments. The PRI had guaranteed two million -40 thousand more than Del Mazo had in 2017-, but it only mobilized one million 747 thousand 409 voters, which meant 5.4% less than six years ago. The PAN offered between 800 thousand and one million, but only contributed 700 thousand 944, 2.81% less than what it gave to Josefina Vázquez Mota in the previous elections. The PRD contributed 182 thousand votes, when its commitment was for 250 thousand.
all failed. Those vote commitments looked great in the Power Point presentations, but they didn’t materialize. Neither land operation, which Morena carried out for six years, nor good measurements, also attributable to his strategies. They expected a participation almost five times higher than what there was, with ranges of 54% minimum and 59% maximum, and an influx of 60% in the west of Mexico City, and 64% in the Valley of the metropolitan area and Toluca , which ended below 50%.
Why didn’t they go out to vote? The handling of polls -by Morena- influenced, to sow among the electorate that everything had already been decided, but also in the position of Del Mazo, who sent a negative message to the electorate due to the public abandonment of Del Moral. The incentives to go out and vote were never created, and now everyone is blaming themselves, without taking responsibility.
With the new information emerging, it can be argued that Del Moral had a chance to win. Two weeks ago, the tracking poll of his campaign gave a tie at 4 points, although in the housing surveys the difference with Gómez was widened to 8 points. However, there was no concrete effort to continue narrowing the difference, except for the operation with political and interest groups, which, contrary to what they thought, did not bear fruit.
The disorder and divisions in the campaign cannot be blamed on one person, as party leaders are now trying to do. It was the sum of errors, omissions and mistakes of all parties. Within the PRI there was resentment and confrontation, which sent a confusing message to the militancy. In the PAN there were strong complaints about how after negotiating for months with Del Mazo, he was going to hand over the state. They said they had all agreed to go together, but it was false. Yesterday the leaders of the Alliance repeated that they would join ’24, but based on the precedents, it can be argued that this will not be true either.
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