President Rodrigo Chaves reaches the midpoint of his four-year term in Costa Rica with a popular call to bypass the Legislature and submit to a referendum a series of proposals that he has not been able to approve. Questioned by institutions outside the control of the Executive and unable to reach an agreement with the opposition majority of the Assembly, which reproaches him for a populist and authoritarian style foreign to the usual political forms of the Central American country recognized for its democratic stability, the president took advantage of the obligation to render his annual report to legislators to launch a provocative proposal.
“I inform you of the intention to promote a referendum so that citizens can decide whether or not they agree with approving essential projects (…) so that the people can legislate directly without the participation of the deputies,” Chaves said in reference to the mechanism that Costa Rica has already used it once in its history, when in 2007 it submitted to popular consultation the ratification of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the United States.
After months of criticism and pejorative qualifiers against opposition deputies, against public authorities outside the Executive, against the middle management of the institutions and in the face of the impossibility of carrying out projects due to legal objections or rejection by the opposition benches, the president who won in 2022 as a outsider against traditional politics, he trusts in the support he still receives from almost half of the population, according to a survey by the University of Costa Rica in January. It will be the “people”, a concept that is almost a catchphrase in their speeches, and not the Legislative Branch that will make the final decision on a package of projects so diverse that they could range from the privatization of the Bank of Costa Rica, one of the two commercial banking entities of the State, until the legalization of extending 12-hour work days for four days a week, as well as other projects whose legal mechanisms have been refuted by the Comptroller General of the Republic.
Chaves thus prolongs his permanent “electoral mode”, since he managed to surprisingly defeat the traditional National Liberation Party (PLN) in the second round and decided to govern clinging to the high popularity that he enjoyed at the beginning and that has reduced in volume as it grows in popularity. intensity. The old formula of “saying what people want to hear,” as confessed by his campaign strategist, has become the lifeblood of the presidential message, although the related political movement failed in the February municipal elections and a March poll. The National University indicates that in one year popular support for the way he expresses himself about other institutions fell from 58.6% to 43%.
In parallel, Chaves insists on a discourse of supposed combat against the elites, with the problem that social investment has been limited, the majority of promises are still pending and the improvement recognized by all sectors is focused on macroeconomic indicators. The figure of “jaguar economy” used by an international financial report on Costa Rica is now central to the results that Chaves presents as his own and is even reflected in a new logo of the presidential image. On social networks there was no shortage of comparisons with Javier Milei’s lion in Argentina.
“A prosperous future requires brave people, people who wake up and take the form of an empowered jaguar, I beg you to make yourselves heard when predators try to maintain or regain their privileges,” Chaves read at the end of his two-hour speech at the legislative plenary session before the five opposition groups and the only eight pro-government deputies (14% of the seats). This popular reaction desired by Chaves is linked to his participation in a referendum that would mean, as he said, “a greening of democracy” and one more step in what he insists on calling “peaceful revolution” of his government. In a recent interview with a television station he stated that neither he nor the people need the deputies.
Costa Rican law provides for the possibility of calling a referendum by the Executive, but requires legislative approval by an absolute majority, which seems unlikely in the current confrontation. The other path is called “citizen initiative” and it would be enough to collect the signature of 5% of the registry, about 165,000 people, an affordable amount if the participation of informal political actors who act as influencers from social networks is also considered. The rules prevent holding referendums in the six months prior to national elections, which means that this should be held before August 2025 and makes time scarce. Nor does he seem to have everything to win, since one of the projects that would be submitted for consultation, that of privatizing the BCR, is supported by only a third of the population, according to the National University survey.
However, Chaves did not detail the format he would seek or the list of projects and even left the door open to withdraw from the referendum if the deputies give in to his proposals. “The decision has been made, but it could be reversed only if you are willing to commit to projects for the country (…) It will depend on the quality of the dialogue that we can establish with the new Board of Directors and the new leaders of the factions,” he added. in the speech.
He was referring to the governing body of the Legislative Assembly elected this May Day, with the re-election of the veteran politician Rodrigo Arias, of the traditional National Liberation Party (PLN), minister of the president in the two governments of his brother Óscar (2986-1990 and 2006 -2010) and negotiator of the legislative votes that allowed the 2007 referendum. The legislator gave his reply speech before Chaves and made clear the degree of discord regarding the presidential message. “Although I recognize several of the economic achievements of his administration (…) the national data points a painful finger of reproach at a merciless absence of social priority in the economic policies of his government,” said Arias before pointing out other criticisms. to the current government, especially due to the confrontational tone that has prevented fluid political negotiations to advance reforms.
“His incessant and unnecessary confrontational speech against this Legislative Assembly, against the Judiciary, against the Supreme Court of Elections, against the Comptroller General and against any other institution or person that does not share his vision, does nothing but bring our democracy closer to the cliff,” he said one day after warning about the need to be “alert” to possible breaches of the rules of the Constitution or the rule of law. The referendum as a mechanism is not necessarily one of them, but concerns are activated in some opposition sectors.
“The use of the referendum must always be done in accordance with the provisions of our Constitution, in the law and under the democratic spirit by which it was created. However, seeking to use the referendum as a capricious and vengeful mechanism to go against the Powers of the Republic and against our institutions is a vain pretension that will not find fertile ground in this congress,” added Rodrigo Arias while Chaves listened without stopping. of gesturing.
Other groups pointed out the referendum proposal as blackmail or a new act to shift the blame and debts of their government onto other people’s shoulders. And other groups, from the left or the right, do not hesitate to describe the president as an authoritarian leader who tries to follow in the footsteps of Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, but with a serious deterioration in security and limited by institutional checks and balances out of
his hands. of the central government. For Chaves, however, institutionality is only an “abstract concept” that protects privileged groups opposed to the policies of his government instead of serving the population. “The people demand it loudly,” he said, raising his voice.
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