After the subordination of the Mexican interests to the interests nationals of USA who assumed Mexico consciously with the Free Trade Agreement salinista from 1990 to 2018, the main variable of the current presidential succession of Mexico in the context of the presidential succession in the United States It is precisely to recognize that as never before Washington will be the factor center of the mexican sovereignty.
In the memorandum recalled here several times and published in May 1991 in the magazine Proceso, the then ambassador of USA in Mexico In 1992, John Dimitri Negroponte, one of the top American spies since the Vietnam War, reminded him of the Department of State the urgency of approving the treaty because that commitment “is in some way the stone that culminates and ensures those (Salinas' neoliberal) policies” and trade integration will institutionalize “the acceptance of a US orientation in Mexico's foreign relations.”
And, in effect, President Salinas' TCL subordinated Mexico's historical nationalist policy of international approaches to the interests of the White House, and even, during the times of President López Obrador, it has been difficult for Mexico to distance itself from imperial diplomacy. of the White House and has been forgetting the nationalist approaches that were a pride of Mexican foreign policy in the past.
The government of President López Obrador gave a very personal and national stamp to Mexican foreign policy, but he skillfully knew how to slip through the ins and outs of isolationism that he assumed recklessly and President Donald Trump was even rude, and because of this and supported by this, the Mexican president knew how to mark a critical distance from the tired efforts of President Biden and his mediocre national security team, even without addressing the harmless threats from Washington, always in the approach of the López Obrador principle in matters of foreign policy that the White House accepted: Mexico is better ally with its whims than subordinated with diplomatic ruptures.
The two main candidates for the Mexican presidency are carrying out a local campaign, but all their proposals will depend on the three fundamental issues that are on the agenda of the US presidential election: drug trafficking, migration and private investments within the Trade agreement, and the three priorities are going to be imposed from the point of view of the White House.
The official candidate Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo takes the easy path of maintaining the López Obrador style of paying attention to American complaints, but disdaining them from her point of view that oscillated between defensive nationalism (Lorenzo Meyer) and contemptuous nationalism. Morena's candidate was in Mexico's diplomatic decision-making circle and she saw firsthand the Mexican president's unidirectional style in the face of American pressure.
The opposition candidate reflections of the broad conservative Republican sector and the surrender of the PRD de los Chuchos that disdained the old Cardenista nationalism.
And to this we must add the trip that Gálvez Ruiz made as a presidential candidate to the United States to request American intervention in the Mexican presidential process, to deliver her dependentist approach to the OAS of today, which is nothing more than a caricature reflection of the OAS of 1962 that operated for the White House as the colonial department -Fidel Castro said-.
The long cycle of Mexico-US relations from the coup d'état in Chile in 1973 ordered and operated by the White House to the threats of Donald Trump and President Biden to place operational troops in Mexico to combat drug trafficking that is not combated within The US is the main nationalist factor in this year's Mexican presidential election.
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