The government of Dina Boluarte in Peru, and even more so the discredited Congress, stands out for having one of the lowest popularity rates in all of America. With a pitiful 5% approval rate and a disapproval rate that exceeds 90%, the immense unpopularity is expressed in one of the most serious moments of collapse of legitimacy of political power. In southern Peru, the situation is even more critical: support for Boluarte has dropped to 3%, while his disapproval rate has climbed to 95%.
This data, however, is not indicative of a “regional trend.” Not necessarily because of the popularity/unpopularity variable of whoever governs, but because the recent political rhythm of Latin America has been marked by one of the most intense electoral rallies in the region. Except for Peru. By all means, Boluarte and Congress have resisted promoting an advance of general elections, which should normally only be held in 2026.
2024, in fact, is being the culmination of the super electoral cycle 2021-2024. With eleven presidential elections: Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Honduras, Costa Rica, Colombia, Brazil, Paraguay, Guatemala, Ecuador (due to the early departure of President Guillermo Lasso) and Argentina. Within this, the sharp analyst Daniel Zovatto does not ignore some serious irregularities. For example, he described the electoral process in Nicaragua in 2021 as an electoral farce and the gross unconstitutionality of Bukele’s reelection in El Salvador in 2024.
In perspective, what? The general elections that are due to take place in Peru in 2026 find a polarized country. And with all expressions of political power in the basements of their legitimacy. The Boluarte government, guided by an authoritarian logic, is very weak. Not only internally, but internationally: it systematically confronts the inter-American human rights system as only an authoritarian regime does.
It is no coincidence, therefore, that Boluarte’s Peru now shares with Ortega’s Nicaragua a less than honorable rating by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights: being one of the two countries in America considered judicially in contempt by the Inter-American court. Along with Nicaragua and Venezuela. A serious rating like that. For ignoring and confronting the binding (mandatory) decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Those that, by the treaty to which they are party, are of obligatory compliance.
For example, in the case of Peru, the regime ignored – and violated – the decision of the Inter-American Court against a pardon for Fujimori, convicted of serious human rights violations and corruption. Boluarte pardoned him anyway. Although irregularly, of course. His foreign minister announced in December 2023 that they would not abide by the decision of the Inter-American Court. It’s that simple, in blatant and undeniable contempt. Without any legal basis, of course.
The “box of surprises”
In Peru, a “box of surprises” has already begun to open regarding the general elections (executive and legislative) to be held in 2026. Starting with the recent announcement by the autocrat Alberto Fujimori, that he intends to run for nothing less than the presidency of the Republic of Peru.
Fujimori was convicted by the courts for serious human rights violations and corruption committed during his presidency (1992-2000) and not for lesser crimes. With a long list of sentences for very serious crimes for which the courts held him criminally responsible, the mere intention of this presidential nomination clashes, and head-on. Not only with the legal system, but with common sense.
Sentences for very serious acts
It should be remembered that the sentences imposed on Alberto Fujimori for corruption are varied. Among other things, the delivery to intelligence adviser Vladimiro Montesinos of 15 million dollars that he appropriated from the public treasury before his escape, and the use of approximately another 12 million dollars to bribe media owners and congressmen who changed parties.
Fujimori was convicted for these cases. But not only for them. And also for the massacres of civilians (including children) in the events of La Cantuta, Barrios Altos and others by the operations of the government death squad known as “Colina”.
Isn’t it Japanese?
Both because of the constitutional prohibition – which prohibits those convicted of a criminal offense from running for office – and because of the law, Fujimori cannot aspire to an elected office. The law prohibits it.
The fact that he received an irregular “pardon” from the government – violating Inter-American law – does not change the facts nor eliminate the criminal liability established by the courts with all procedural guarantees. With one aggravating factor: Fujimori still owes 15 million dollars to the State and society to pay the amount established by the courts as civil reparation for the victims of serious human rights crimes, including minors in the Barrios Altos case.
The jurist and social communicator César Azabache has highlighted two interesting aspects regarding the “box of surprises” of this surprising announcement of the candidacy of the convicted elderly man, which is not possible according to current regulations.
On the one hand, perplexity. That Fujimori’s daughter – Keiko, three times defeated in presidential elections – intends that the presidency of the republic be handed over “to a man who has been reported as seriously ill so that he can exercise it between 88 and 93 years of age.” Azabache says: a strange way of “approaching” the presidency after systematic electoral defeats.
Azabache recalls an important fact, with possible legal implications: after his escape to Japan in 2000, Alberto Fujimori ran – in mid-2017 – for the Diet (Legislature) of Japan.
Fujimori lost the elections in Japan because he did not obtain the necessary votes. But he did complete the electoral process. As Azabache recalls, this meant renouncing his Peruvian nationality to the Japanese authorities and Peruvian nationality at some point. As far as I understand, there is no other way to run for office in Japan with two nationalities.” As Azabache notes, “this renunciation has not been reported. So the question arises: is he currently a Japanese citizen with a renunciation of Peruvian citizenship not presented to the local authorities?”
The fact is that beyond the “age” qualifications/disqualifications of this elderly Fujimori, the fact is that the underlying political bet, according to Azabache’s analysis, would be a fundamental one: the preservation of the current scheme of exercising power. Specifically, that the presidency continues to be occupied by someone – like Boluarte – without the capacity to make independent public decisions. A decorative scheme “similar to the one we have with Mrs. Boluarte” that would leave real power in the hands of the groups that – like Fujimorism – manage Congress.
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