The campaign for the European elections makes sadly evident the extent to which the virus of political tribalism is eating away at the EU countries. The disease is not new—there is no room for adamanism—but the outbreak is especially intense and serious, just when exceptional challenges call us to an enormous effort to transform the common European project. Unfortunately, too many forces are spent erecting barricades instead of building aqueducts. Political tribalism prevails in many countries and threatens to infect community politics, which until now had been relatively immune from the disease. Our enemies—Russia—or rivals—China—watch with delight as we sink into visceral discord and the paralysis that results from it. Therein lies a central challenge of our time: the growing dysfunctionality of democracies while the challenge of increasingly coordinated authoritarian regimes advances.
In an optimistic key, it could be observed that electoral campaigns are like that, it is their nature. But the reality is that our political era has become a kind of mono-station, that of the permanent campaign. And the barricades are accompanied by increasingly deeper pits, with wounds that ooze resentment. So deep that it becomes increasingly difficult to overcome them the day after the elections. Building the large aqueducts necessary in these conditions becomes, therefore, a daunting task. The metaphor of the aqueduct is intended to indicate the existential connotation of what is needed. We are not talking about grandiose and useless cathedrals. But of the essential structures so that the EU can survive as an independent entity in a hostile world, where the law of the jungle is affirmed by leaps and bounds.
The successful adaptation of the common project to this new environment will require an enormous transformation. This desirable independence involves raising ourselves to a new level in defense capabilities and cutting-edge technologies, without forgetting social cohesion and green commitment along the way. All of this will require enormous investments. We must also expand the Union, which will require a profound change in political structures and processes. These and the other things that are necessary cannot be carried out successfully without broad political convergence. The construction of the EU is the story of the ability to create these broad convergences.
The survival of that capacity is what is now at stake in a scenario of consistent political deterioration, of polarization that reaches the point of animosity, of identity and tribal politics that, once launched, are increasingly difficult to put aside in order to cooperate. . The disease threatens to reach the common political theater, which is essential to defend our place in the world.
The etiology is clear. The problem stems substantially from the rise of the nationalist and populist far-right. Fed by the errors of the traditional parties, they gained strength. That force has unleashed perverse dynamics. In a European key, although they have put aside the most radical positions – such as advocating for leaving the EU or the euro in their respective countries -, these formations continue to be contrary to the further community integration that is necessary. Furthermore, although some have evolved in speech and makeup, they continue to be a corrosive element of the democratic quality that is even more necessary. Next come the responsibilities of the supposedly moderate right-wing parties that take on ideas from these formations and whitewash them. And those of the left who, while raising barricades and tearing their clothes, maneuver by taking advantage of the far-right threat—which divides adversaries and mobilizes their own—and fueling polarization.
There is another model, which is the one that has been used until now in Germany, France or in the EU itself. A cooperation of others that marginalizes the extreme right. This scheme requires that everyone does their part, that the moderate right renounces taking advantage of coalitions with the ultra, and that others are willing to collaborate with it and, where appropriate, allow it to govern. This model is not perfect. In Italy, Meloni came to power after not participating in a Government of national unity. In France, the moderate right is almost gone. However, it is preferable to that of societies divided in two, and with ultra-venom running rampant in one of the two halves. This scenario is terrible at national levels, and practically lethal at community level.
The model of broad consensus and marginalized far-right is at risk. It is not likely that it will completely break in this European legislature, but while some and others are dedicated to erecting barricades, a crack is seen snaking with signs of becoming an abyss and making it unviable in the medium term. The EU is the only lifeline we have. To stay afloat you need an integrative leap. This will not be possible with a polarized policy, with a policy where those from the Europe of nations influence. I hope the disease does not reach the European temple. We need more aqueducts and fewer barricades.
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