Scholz needs Merz – not the other way around. The Chancellor needs the opposition to face the Herculean challenges. He needs the Union for his turning point. A broad majority in the Bundestag and Bundesrat is required for a correction of the debt brake, for every new special fund, i.e. for extraordinary investments in the fight against climate change, for defense and reconstruction as well as for the constitutional protection of the constitutional bodies. But even beyond this, the Union's approval of government actions can be important in times of crisis.
Merz doesn’t need Scholz in this form. But without the Chancellor's help, he himself will not become Chancellor. Of course not without your own effort. He must present himself as a convincing alternative. A zigzag course, no matter how well Merz masters it, is not enough.
He has just fundamentally rejected any cooperation with the Chancellor. Now he is coming up with suggestions that he simply cannot implement with the CSU alone. In any case, the impression should not arise that the opposition leader cannot do it either.
But Merz delivers on this matter. The demands are right and important. Countermeasures are essential. The economy has to get back on its feet. Initiative and performance must be rewarded, including in public service. Easing the tax burden and the chaos of approvals as well as concentrating aid on those who are really in need are prerequisites for clearing reform backlogs, expanding the infrastructure, and for resilience and military capability.
The mildew of an all-round supply on credit attracts the wrong people and scares off the right people. The sedative supernanny state no longer ensures social peace, but rather destroys it. It is imperative to stop this. This is a huge, controversial task – and at the same time fundamentally a matter for everyone who cares about the free and democratic basic order.
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