During the ninety minutes in which Merkel returned to the stage last night, with his peculiar tone of being at home, while he eviscerated from a distance the last decades of global history, political peace seemed to return at times to Germany. From the GDR, through reunification, successive crises, refugees, to the efforts to prevent what finally Putin did in Ukraineeverything seemed to find its place and fit into an orderly and understandable whole, even acceptable, and certainly unrelated to the real political chaos that has taken over the German political capital. Merkel wore the usual ‘blazer’ and the same amber necklace as always. The only thing new is that he now allows himself to show his sense of humor more often. Even though the journalist Anne Will strove to bring the presentation of her autobiography into the realm of the critical political interview, Merkel explained her intentions with her ironic frankness and comical precision in the facts. She mixed dates, data and personal appreciations about global leaders with the same naturalness with which she prepares her potato soup recipe, with the scientific thoroughness of a Physics graduate. “I think I chose that career because the laws of Physics were one of the few things that the State could not reverse in the GDR,” he joked about his particular way of opposing communism. has written ‘Freedom’700 pages of notes and memories, with a very precise intention: “To leave a record of the two lives I have lived, one in a dictatorship and the other in a democracy,” to bear witness to a task that must continue without her.
Despite the fears he had unleashed, even in his own party, there is no revenge in his memoirs. On the contrary, on the occasion of the publication he has agreed to participate in the electoral campaign of his successor at the head of the CDU, Friedrich Merzonce his great internal enemy. “I want to encourage him, although I certainly won’t be participating in a leadership position,” he said, allowing a sigh of relief in the crowd. Konrad Adenauer House. «I was once told that to endure it is necessary to have a firm unconditional will to power. Well, he has it too,” he defended a candidate who was never a saint of his devotion. “She was and is a brilliant speaker,” he writes in his book, and a few lines later, in a dry, Hanseatic style, he suggests that they could have understood each other better, “but from the beginning there was a problem: we both wanted to be bosses.” He only reproached Merz last night for the establishment of border controls: »That is a setback for Europeans and something I do not want«, while justifying his decision to open the doors to Syrian refugees in 2015: »Critics spoke of a avalanche, but for me it was not an anonymous mass, they were people and, if we had not helped, I would have thought: this is not my country, my country is one of those that considers people, even if they do not correspond to their needs or wishes«.
Merkel does not recognize major mistakes, she only confesses venial sins such as the delay in digitalization, certain shortcomings in the energy system and forced trust with Russia. “I understand that there is controversy, it is part of democracy, but I do not apologize,” he defends today, “I am surprised by the ease with which so many people now would have done things differently if it had been Merkel… but the “Most of those who say it now were there and were not heard.”
Mention Pedro Sanchez on page 553 of the German edition, when remembering the summit of Brussels June 2018. His party tightened the screws and the Greek Tsipras and «the newcomer to the position of President of the Government of Spain, Pedro Sánchez, supported me in a very practical way. “They agreed to conclude administrative agreements with Germany on the basis of the Dublin II Regulation and to accept immigrants already registered in their countries arriving at the German border.”
Note on page 561 that Rajoy He was one of the European leaders with whom she worked most closely, but remembers that he distanced himself from her during the negotiation of the 2014-2021 European budgets. “The euro crisis, during which I was repeatedly accused of being stingy, was still taking its toll.” Curiously, he does not mention the most obedient Spanish president. In August 2011, a phone call was enough to convince Shoemaker of the convenience of including a deficit limit in the Spanish Constitution, but the episode is not mentioned.
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