Manuel Rosales, (Maracaibo, 1949) is a classic within the confines of the Venezuelan opposition. The years go by, time floats like a transoceanic ship destroying everything in its path, but if something survives it is Chavismo and parallel to it the incombustible figure of Rosales, who likes to adjust and stretch his suit while greeting with one hand, to the manner of the dignitaries of the eighties. In 2006 he faced Hugo Chávez in a presidential election and lost. Anyone would have given up and his name would taste like defeat from that moment on, but we are not dealing with anyone, we are talking about a survivor. He has been elected governor of Zulia twice, from where he has managed to coexist peacefully with Chavismo, which has tolerated his opposition while prohibiting that of an anti-Chavista figure as rising as María Corina Machado. .
Rosales lives with ambiguity. In 2009 he went into exile in Peru fleeing accusations of corruption made by Chavismo and did not return until 2014, when he was arrested and imprisoned in El Helicoide, the political prison par excellence of Caracas. Did he fall from grace? It vanished? Turns out not. Upon leaving prison he presented his candidacy for governor and defeated the ruling party. Rosales, who has called for the end of international sanctions imposed on Venezuela, is one of the few opponents who has a direct connection to the Miraflores Palace, the presidential residence. Let's say that he flies over a border plane without being detected by radars.
Careful in cultivating a moderate line in recent years, away from protests in the streets, Rosales has now managed to cleverly position himself as one of the opposition candidates for the presidential elections to be held in Venezuela on July 28. The leader of the Un Nuevo Tiempo party handles himself perfectly in these confusing political times that are so similar to him.
With Machado disqualified, the majority opposition is looking for a candidate to place their chips on, all or nothing. The question is whether Rosales is that person. He supports having stolen from Chavismo one of the most important governorships in the country and having good popularity in that fiefdom, his management in general is well commented. Nor can it be hidden that a part of the democratic country has faith in him. However, there are many who doubt that he has not made an agreement with Maduro and that his true intentions are not to screw Chavismo into power. That opinion is widespread in the country. In that case, Rosales would be a false opponent who would whitewash an electoral process that the international community views with suspicion since Machado was removed from the presidential race. There is no point in speculating because only he knows what his ultimate motivations are. Interviewing him means entering the swampy waters of mystery.
Ask. Were you preparing to be a candidate?
Answer. We decided not to register for the primaries because there were already too many candidates and a very wide dispersion of options. We promoted and supported them, and when María Corina's victory occurred, we immediately recognized her. We have condemned her disqualification, as unjust. I told María Corina herself that our card was available for her candidacy. She could not register, she applied to Corina Yoris, whose merits everyone recognizes. There was talk of a change of candidate, and Omar Barboza was proposed, which the Government also vetoed. Time continued to pass. In that extreme situation, we made that decision, thinking about how serious it would be to leave the country without an electoral option.
Q. It has been said that you are allowed to be a candidate to facilitate the task of re-election of the Government, and that is why you were able to register without problems.
R. There was a list of personalities that Chavismo had already accepted, such as Gerardo Blyde, Ramón Guillermo Aveledo or the elected governors of the opposition. But no one wanted to be a candidate.
Q. Why does María Corina Machado say that her application was a betrayal?
R. I'm not going to get into that controversy. I think I did the right thing, saving the democratic forces from abstention. I have said that if we reach an agreement, and María Corina can be a candidate, or appoint a successor, I will submit my candidacy.
Q. Do you think that Nicolás Maduro will hand over power if he is defeated?
R. I am neither an avenger nor a messiah. I am an instrument that can express the desire for political change in the country, which is 80% of the population, and includes part of Chavismo. We have the power to express our opinion and decide our future, that cannot be delegated.
Q. How do you evaluate the political conditions of 2024 compared to those of 2018?
R. The Chavista Government and its political model are more than exhausted. In 2018 it was, but some militant spirit remained. Now people are fed up. Five dollar salaries, no public services, no health, a destroyed oil industry. I think there is a genuine interest in change.
Q. Do you rule out any kind of rapprochement with the opposition factions that are now criticizing you?
R. From the beginning I knew that criticism would come. I respect that position, I am a democrat. The will for change in the country is very great, the destruction is very deep. That will can be expressed with me or with another candidate. What I aspire to is for change to come without violence. A difficult process is coming: the elected president will take six months to take office, with a parliament, public powers, a national assembly, a judiciary, governorships and mayoralties controlled by Chavismo. A transition has to be planned here, of reunion, of respect for others, of putting the country on the road.
Q. Do you feel prepared for the amount of pressure you will receive with Chavismo as your adversary?
R. It's part of the costs of a political career as a Democrat. I have experienced firsthand the consequences of this struggle: I have been a presidential candidate, governor, political fighter, I was imprisoned for a year and a half, and six years in exile. I got out of jail through negotiations, as happened to all politicians.
Q. Do you think you can govern Venezuela? Will the Armed Forces, the Chavista judges, and radical Chavismo accept it?
R. I am sure that I have the ability to dialogue, to negotiate, to converse, to give in when necessary and to move forward when we can do so. Most political currents and social movements agree that this is a unique opportunity. If Chavismo wins again, there will be more sanctions, more disinvestment, more hunger, new waves of people fleeing the country en masse.
Q. Have you been able to exchange impressions with the Chavista leaders about the future of the country, the elections, public peace, the constitution, democracy?
R. We have had institutional meetings with Nicolás Maduro, with his ministers, with people from the high government. Several times they have told us that, if they lose the elections, they are willing to surrender. We have had good relations with military personnel, whom we respect, even if they do not think the same as us. That's the problem, we have been denying each other's ideas for 25 years.
Q. What would have to happen so that what happened to Henri Falcón in 2018 does not happen to him, when he presented himself as a candidate willing to make a transition and ended up denouncing fraud?
R. They are different circumstances. We are from the Unitary Platform, we have not div
ided it nor do we make isolated decisions. We are willing to give in. In 2018 we refused to abstain. It was the decision that was imposed on the Unit, which we abided by to take care of it, and that was a big mistake. Henri had the credit for him, he made a great effort. We aspire to do better. In the 2018 elections there was not the desire to vote that exists now.
Q. Personalities from the democratic camp have expressed their willingness to accompany him, but distrust is also widespread. It is feared that you are part of a compromise to validate a hypothetical victory for Nicolás Maduro.
R. They said the same thing when I was a candidate for the governorship of Zulia and we recovered the governorship. Yes, it was a betrayal and it was being validated. It was a very hard war. I faced all that, I won, and there we are: we recovered the majority of the mayoralties, we have a management and we are moving forward, without persecuting anyone and without asking the people who they voted for to provide a service. That is the example we want to give.
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