Manuel The Chinese Flores is second in the polls to become president of El Salvador. The most optimistic poll gives him 4.2% of the votes. In that same simulation of the University Institute of Public Opinion (Iuop), carried out in the first weeks of January, President Nayib Bukele received 81.9% of voting intentions. The candidate of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), the traditional left-wing party in the country, affirms that the Government wanted to “annihilate” his party and failed to do so in what he calls “the most unequal electoral campaign in the history of El Salvador since the arrival of the Spanish to the continent.” Flores says that he has not been able to pay for a television spot, nor radio advertising, nor put his face in a newspaper, nor on a street poster, after the Executive did not release the so-called political debt that allows political parties get funds for each vote in the past elections. But even so, he has moved through the 14 departments of the country thanks to the help of people who have donated everything from caps to soup.
“The other one hid in the campaign, he didn't have the courage to even go to a community to ask for the vote because he knows that he didn't fulfill his promise, that's why I am morally strong, with enthusiasm, because Sunday is not the end of the world, it's just elections. And we are going to continue meeting each other,” says Flores, in an interview with EL PAÍS at the party's headquarters in San Salvador, an austere building, with display cases with old memories, some red flags and portraits of Monsignor Romero, the Catholic priest. and human rights defender murdered in 1980 during the Civil War.
Flores (Quezaltepeque, 58 years old) was mayor of his hometown for nine years and a deputy for the Front for nine years. According to the Observa El Salvador survey – carried out by an electoral consortium of three universities and five organizations – 64% of Salvadorans do not know who he is. But he assures that “people are afraid, but they are not stupid.” “What do I care if they know me as the coolest president in the world if my people are enduring hunger?” he asks. The candidate affirms that this is the reason for the Government's latest food distributions in the poorest neighborhoods: “They don't give them the numbers because these people are clever and they are worried there.”
Ask. Do you really believe that the Government is not given the numbers?
Answer. And why do you think they are desperate? And why did Bukele come out of the cave in which he was hiding to ask for a vote for his deputies, in desperation? His subconscious came out, he betrayed him.
Q. But the polls are tough. You are the second best positioned force in the presidential election and the most optimistic survey gives you 4.2% voting intention.
R. In a regime of exception, no one is going to express an opinion against the regime. Because in an emergency regime no one has rights. You have seen the militarization of the entire capital for days, what are the military doing in the street putting tanks on the corners?
Q. Is that going to translate electorally?
R. You're going to see it on Sunday. There is a silent vote, a vote of people hurt because they have captured their innocent people. I don't care about the criminals, they are going to rot in jail, including the white collar ones who are stealing the people's money. Now, many people had their innocent citizen captured.
Q. So, according to your position, the polls are not reflecting the reality of the Salvadoran voter?
R. Absolutely. I give you the example, I invite you to tour the cantons and hamlets of the east, Morazán and La Unión, the vehicles do not go there because the streets are useless, I don't think they have gone to interview there where the people are abandoned.
Q. If the Government has not complied with them and there is a violation of rights, why is there a preference for the president?
R. Who says that?
Q. Do you think that there is no preference towards the president?
R. No, what there is is fear. They'll put you in jail if you think otherwise.
Q. Do you think there will be a second round?
R. Let's wait for elections, I don't want to give my opinion ahead of time because they can say my campaign is early or anything and they are capable of disqualifying my candidacy.
Q. What's after Sunday?
R. Life, normal life. Nothing happens to him, I am still a party member, I am still part of the party leadership, I am still a biologist, university professor, father of two professional children. The youngest son of seven siblings, I am still El Chino Flores, calm down. What's more: four months of campaign without security. Walking through the streets and towns and they tell me “thanks to the regime.” No! I never went with guaruras or with armored personnel carriers, because I don't owe anyone, I'm not a drug trafficker, I'm not corrupt, I'm not a thief.
Q. But he acknowledges that the level of security has changed since the president's arrival.
R. Nobody says no, security has improved substantially. It is the only thing this Government has done, but at what cost. At the cost, according to the newspaper The lighthouse, After a negotiation with the gangs, they have freed the leaders, in Mexico they found several of them.
Q. One of the surveys reveals that only 3% of those surveyed believe that the Front cares about citizens. Do you do self-criticism?
A. The thing is that surveys are not exact sciences. When a survey gives us 0% in Chalatenango, where I closed the campaign flooded with people, with a caravan of more than 300 vehicles… who is going to believe that? How can I believe that in Chalatenango, a bastion where we have 10 mayoralties and a historical base, we have 0%? Who is going to believe the university? There is outrage over the manipulation of data.
Q. Is there any lesson that the Front has to learn, any gap that it has not covered?
A. Many, many, of course we governed for 10 years and with a fierce opposition. We never had more than 35 deputies, we never had a simple majority. In addition, yes, we promoted development plans by applying social programs that allowed thousands of Salvadorans to be lifted out of misery.
Q. But, candidate, say again what was done well.
R. What he did wrong is what the opponents tell you. Self-criticism is inward, you can't go around proclaiming to the world the mistakes you made, who does? Who speaks ill of his house? Who talks bad about their family?
Q. Can. Self-criticism can help you improve.
R. Why do you want to listen to my criticisms?
Q. I understand that a party capable of recognizing mistakes is capable of not repeating them.
R. So I'm going to tell you: I already apologized on behalf of my party, but I'm not going to beat my chest every day. I already asked for it publicly in an interview and recognized the mistakes made by corrupt officials, who took advantage of the party and that many w
ant to blame the party for the acts of corruption of those officials, but let them respond.
Q. Bukele is a figure who was born taking advantage of the Front, do you hold a grudge against him for how he used this party?
R. No, I wouldn't do it, I don't use anyone as a ladder, nor abuse anyone's trust. When someone shakes my hand I don't spit it out. I will never betray my party or change color.
Q. Is there nothing you can learn from how Bukele projects his image?
R. He combs his hair well.
Q. Anything else?
R. I don't envy him anything, I don't have a beard but I'm beautiful too. Honestly, I have nothing to learn or imitate him.
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