The possible crimes that can be committed while teaching a university master’s degree constitute the new legal challenge of Juan Carlos Peinado, instructor of the case against Begoña Gómez, who now accuses the wife of the President of the Government of professional intrusion and misappropriation. The new line of investigation opened by Peinado anticipates two events: the extension in time of the case that has been followed in his court since April, on the one hand, and visits to the court of the accused, with their consequent media attention, on the other.
As he already did with the declaration of the President of the Government at the Palace of La Moncloa, Peinado extremes the ceremony regardless of what the diligence will contribute to clarifying the facts. Always under the protection of the law, in this case the Criminal Procedure Law, Juan Carlos Peinado has opted for something that could have been avoided: summoning Begoña Gómez in person to go pick up a summons in which she will be informed that she is being investigated. for new crimes and the day on which he has to go to testify for it. Instead of summoning the person under investigation one day to her court, Begoña Gómez will have to go twice, with the respective security deployments that accompany the wife of the president of the central government.
The Penal Code punishes the crime of usurpation of functions and professional intrusion with a fine of six to twelve months, according to article 403 of the Penal Code, which is the one that fits into the list of facts made by the ultra HazteOir association, according to the criteria of Hairstyle. The magistrate has gone from dispatching the reasons for the accusation in one-paragraph resolutions to doing so this time in a nine-page order in which none of the usual phrases of the judge or the way in which he usually writes are found.
The ultra-Catholic association states in its complaint that Begoña Gómez has written, without being qualified to do so, the “technical prescription sheets” within the process of creating a platform “for management and measurement of impact for small and medium-sized businesses,” in the framework of the master’s degree that he co-directed. According to HazteOir, Begoña Gómez does not have the “technical” training, in order to scientifically know the needs of the university in this regard.
The other crime that Peinado adds to those that he already indirectly attributed to Begoña Gómez is that of misappropriation. In this case, the wife of the President of the Government faces a fine if what is stated by the judge is taken into account, who identifies the facts as likely to fit into article 253. In this case, HazteOir accuses Begoña Gómez of having “registered” a company in his name with the master’s degree, TSC Competitive Social Transformation, and then doing the same with the software, the digital tool that would have been created through the financing of private companies.
Judge Peinado has involved the UCO in the investigation of university documentation. In an order dated October 31, the magistrate orders the specialized unit of the Civil Guard to analyze the aforementioned documentation and “issue the appropriate report.” The result of the two previous UCO reports ruled out that Gómez had committed any crime. Judge Peinado ignored their conclusions and moved on.
Vox has already tried to have Begoña Gómez charged with the same facts but attributing to her a crime of influence peddling. Another court in Madrid, number 34, warned that the far-right party was confusing dates in its complaint.
In that order, Judge Coro Monreal ruled: “In the contracting file it is not apparent that it was developed outside the rules that regulate public sector contracting.” It was about attributing to Gómez influence over the official who dictates the opening of the bidding procedure. “There is no evidence that he could have exerted any influence on the official who issued the first resolution, nor on the members of the contracting committee,” he added.
The head of the Court of Instruction number 34 alluded in her resolution to the fact that the list of technical prescriptions was signed by Begoña Gómez, but did not dwell on the fact that the facts presented could constitute another crime other than that indicated by Vox, influence peddling, and that the judge rejected.
Last July, the Complutense University sent a letter to the judge in which it informed him that its internal investigation had not found any irregularities or harm to the center due to the actions of Begoña Gómez. The center clarified that it was not a “definitive conclusion,” attributing this lack of evidence to “the lack of collaboration of certain interveners.”
In that letter, the teaching center, dependent on the Community of Madrid, complained about Gómez’s lack of collaboration, although without mentioning it. The request for information was sent on June 11 and the next day, the president’s wife acknowledged receipt in another email in which she assured that she was gathering the information. On June 26, Gómez’s father died and on July 2, the Joint Monitoring Commission of the Extraordinary Chair that Gómez directed met.
At that meeting, the Complutense hid from Begoña Gómez that the day before she had sent a letter to the judge accusing her of misappropriation and hindering the investigation. He also rejected the information that Begoña Gómez provided during the meeting because, as argued by the Vice-Rector for Planning, José María Coello of Portugal, “prudence” required not accepting the documentation that they had required days before and about which they complained the day before. to the judge that it had not been provided.
An email sent by a person in charge of the Complutense University of Madrid (UCM) to Begoña Gómez and two other people shows how the Patent and Trademark Section of the educational center was aware of the registration by the wife of the president of the Government of the brand for the software with which he was committed to providing the extraordinary chair he directed. “We sent you a link on how to register a domain,” the official says to Gómez in a message reported by elDiario.es.
For some reason, the summons for Begoña Gómez to go to court on November 18 to be informed of her new accusation must be delivered “PERSONALLY” by members of the National Police Corps to Begoña Gómez at the Palacio de La Moncloa, as stated thus , in capital letters, the judge in the order issued on October 28.
No signs of irregularities
Judge Juan Carlos Peinado has been investigating Begoña Gómez for more than half a year. A case that began with a complaint from the ultra pseudo-union Clean Hands made up of press clippings and a hoax that, initially, pointed to some letters of recommendation that the wife of the President of the Government, together with institutions such as the Madrid City Council, contributed to a public tender attended by businessman Juan Carlos Barrabés. Months later, those letters have fallen into oblivion, giving way to a cause with multiple ramifications that, for now, have not led to major discoveries.
The letters and awards from Red.es to the Barrabés companies, a point that even the Madrid Court agreed to investigate, were left in two reports from the Central Operational Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard that rejected any irregularity. A few days ago it was Alberto Martínez, director of the public company, who appeared in the Senate to deny any irregularity and qualify the language of the case: the letters did not support Barrabés but rather a program of the European social fund.
The suspicion spurred by popular accusations revolves around whether Gómez used his relationship with Pedro Sánchez to obtain favored treatment at the Complutense University, to benefit Juan Carlos Barrabés, apart from the latest ramification on the software apparently unrelated to his marriage.
The investigation into the master’s degrees and the professorship he held at the Complutense have not yet shown any signs of favorable treatment that the center itself has been denying for more than a year. Both at the request of the judge and at different requests for information. Both the judge and the accusations have squeezed the meetings that Gómez held in La Moncloa with Barrabés and the rector of the university to the point of calling the President of the Government as a witness.
Nor did there appear signs of irregularity in the rescue of Air Europa, the line of investigation that the Court has twice urged to abandon for being based on “conjectures” by Clean Hands. A rescue of hundreds of millions of euros that constitutes the primary obsession of the popular accusations of the case, which constantly seek to link the case of Begoña Gómez with the Koldo case through this rescue and the figure of Javier Hidalgo, CEO of Globalia.
The case faces several relevant proceedings in the coming weeks in addition to the summons of Begoña Gómez herself. A few hours before his appearance, Juan José Güemes will visit the judge as a witness. A strong man in almost all of Esperanza Aguirre’s governments, a high-ranking official under José María Aznar and generally not very close to Pedro Sánchez’s PSOE, Güemes has been identified as the author of the order to hire Begoña Gómez to direct the IE Africa Center Business School.
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