This Friday, July 28, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party is meeting in the city of Magdeburg to determine its strategy at a time when it enjoys high popularity. Meanwhile, the other political benches discuss how to position themselves before the rise of a political movement that represents the opposite of the European Union, where the country leads: ultranationalism.
Taboo, democratic cordon, blockade, wall, firewall. There are many words that in recent years have been used in Germany to speak of the same political purpose: to isolate and not cooperate with the extreme right.
That has been the objective of the main parties since the Alternative for Germany (AfD) was founded a decade ago, the political movement described as populist and far-right that, step by step, has been gaining ground in German public discussion.
That democratic cordon has worked broadly in recent years, although there have been some exceptions at the most local level.
But in recent weeks, analyzes have increased that the fundamentals of that cordon may be crumbling significantly. And this at a time when the AfD has ranked second in national opinion polls and after it won its first two local popular election seats.
The last blow to that blockade was dealt by Friedrich Merz, who leads the main opposition party Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU for its acronym in German), a traditional right-wing caucus. Or, as Merz himself described to his block, “Alternative for Germany with substance”.
In a highly controversial interview, Merz initially opened the door for possible cooperation with the AfD at the local level, saying it is necessary to find ways to work together in cities or districts led by the far-right party.
But Merz had to retract quickly amid an avalanche of criticism. “To make it clear once again, and I have never said it differently: the CDU resolutions are valid. There will be no cooperation with the AfD, also at the municipal level.”
Um es noch einmal klarzustellen, und ich habe es nie anders gesagt: Die Beschlusslage der @CDU gilt. Es wird auch auf kommunaler Ebene keine Zusammenarbeit der #CDU mit der AfD geben. (FM)
— Friedrich Merz (@_FriedrichMerz) July 24, 2023
Still, his comment intensified discussion of a key question in Germany: what, if any, is the best way to engage with the far right.
Opinions range from ignoring the party to isolating it without exception, going through those who believe that each case should be decided in a concrete way and without a fundamental rejection. There are also those who have adopted some of the positions of the extreme right with the intention of stealing voters, something that, however, has not been very effective.
Prohibition or collaboration?
This is a debate that has of course not only taken place in Germany, but also in several other countries in Europe where parties considered to be on the far right have gained influence.
But given Germany’s highly troubled history and the political weight of the extreme right, it is an especially sensitive and complex issue.
Even more so due to the fact that the AfD is being watched by the intelligence services, which have sought to determine if the party is a danger to the democratic order due to its extreme positions.
Hence, the voices of those who ask to continue blocking the AfD, considering it a risk to German stability, are very notorious.
Others, however, have been somewhat more open to a more pragmatic position. In fact, according to one national poll this month, 33% of Germans believe that it should be decided on a case-by-case basis. And 17% consider that cooperation should be sought.
For Paulina Astroza, a Chilean professor who studies populism in Europe, that possible collaboration could be problematic.
“It is a risk because far-right parties are not necessarily going to moderate,” Astroza told France 24.
“And what they can end up achieving is moving the fence to the right,” adds the expert, who directs the Center for European Studies at the University of Concepción, in Chile.
For Astroza, the most appropriate strategy would be to “take them out of their comfort zone in public discussion rather than enter their area”, focusing, for example, on issues that are not their forte, he says.
Popularity of the AfD in eastern Germany
While the other parties are looking for how to position themselves in this debate, the AfD is also discussing its future strategy internally. In fact, this Friday is his national party congress, which will take place in the city of Magdeburg, in the east of the country.
It is right in the east of Germany that the AfD is particularly popular. In the east of the nation, he achieved his first two popular election positions. And there he hopes to deliver his next coup: to become the party with the most votes in the regional elections scheduled for 2024.
The AfD wants to go from being an opposition party to one that can co-govern. And it is an option that the bench sees in a way “realistic”, as Alice Weidel, one of its most prominent figures, said at the beginning of the year. “We aspire to our first government responsibility in a state in eastern Germany,” she said then.
For this he would clearly need allies. And that is why he is especially interested in how the debate on the cordon sanitaire is developing, especially in the conservative block of Merz.
Following the statements by the CDU leader, the AfD explained that, in its opinion, “the first stones of the firewall are falling.”
It is still early to know if, in effect, that democratic cordon is collapsing permanently or if it is only faltering as part of the current context.
But beyond this, it is clear that the debate over how to engage with the far right is one that will continue to be controversial in Germany.
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