The real debate After the debate he must have debated the central point that was presented as the background of the opposition candidacy: Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz lacks the support of the structures of the three parties that registered itIn the understanding that the PRI, the PAN and the PRD They are not those political-electoral apparatuses of the past, and without them it will be impossible to even play a good role in the elections. elections.
But apart from the poor capacity of the three opposition parties to structure campaigns, the candidate Gálvez Ruiz is making a superhuman effort to try to convert his spontaneity –badly than well– in the capacity of political mobilizationbut all the conservative sectors and citizens who repudiate two parties have not been trained to face the psychological shock in the solitude of the screen and the ballot box: voting on the ballot in favor of the PRI and the PAN – the PRD is, in fact, non-existent and not even symbolic– so that Xochitl can accumulate votes in favor of his candidacy.
These are non-negligible sectors, although coldly counted, they have always been present and have even voted for López Obrador, but in the accumulation of votes they would not be able to make a difference, especially because in electoral accounting they are already considered in the percentages which reflect the polls of an average of 25% in favor of Gálvez Ruiz.
The opposition has failed – and no longer has time to correct it – in the strategic articulation of the traditional votes of the parties and the votes of a society that began to be involved in electoral processes starting in 1988, for the most part through in favor of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and against the PRI headed by Carlos Salinas de Gortari. That is to say, many of Xóchitl's sympathizers from active citizenship may not attend the polls because they know that they will have to empower, to a greater or lesser extent, the PRI and PAN that they repudiate, the same PRI and PAN that failed them. Mexicans and who lowered their expectations of the vote to less than 10% in favor of the PRI and less than 20% for the PAN.
The leaders of the PRI and the PAN have spent more time explaining the reasons why the figures of Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas Alito and Marko Cortés do not appear in the Gálvez Ruiz campaign, nor were they present in the little capitalizable part of the debate, and they left the impression that the PRIANREDE presidential candidate only has the party registration, but lacks the financial resources necessary for the presidential campaign, cannot use the electoral structures of the opposition parties and in the end the PRI has been very sensitive in pointing out that Xóchitl is a candidate for the PAN and not the PRI.
Citizens have already had very clear expressions of divided or fragmented votes: in favor of someone for the presidency and for other partisan colors in different public positions in dispute; In 1988, Cárdenas managed to unify the presidential and legislative votes somewhat, but in 2000, 2006 and 2012, the opposition won the presidency, but did not have a majority in Congress; López Obrador did not unite the vote either, but was able to achieve an absolute legislative majority of 53% in the Morena-Verde-PT alliance.
In the current electoral campaign, the opposition presidential candidate and PRIANREDE are each marching on their own, while Morena has greater cohesion among all the competing structures, even in places where personal resentments came to shake majority tendencies.
Now more than ever the opposition needed partisan support for its presidential candidate, but in reality no one came out in defense of Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz and there were more justifications as to why there is no articulation of structures that support a candidate who is personally She failed in the debate because – and this is another fact that must be noted – no party structure participated in her training and only some figures from the PAN helped her prepare the debate, but rather disoriented her with personal perceptions and without having the trained personnel for political training in public debates.
The political times are already very advanced, Alito and Marko are still far from Xóchitl, the party structure of the PRI and the PAN is not even enough for the main minor candidates in dispute and the economic resources still do not reach the opposition presidential campaign.
But the worst thing is that Xóchitl could no longer unite its anti-party citizen social base with the discredit of the PRI and the PAN that remains latent among non-partisan voters, nor have they forgiven the corruptions of the recent past.
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