Exploits of investigations on the eve of the European elections: clockwork justice or corrupt politics?
Voting, corruption, competitions and rigged contracts: from north to south, in recent weeks, multiple investigations have exploded like time bombs that have shocked the political world, to the point of disturbing possible mafia infiltrations within municipal administrations throughout Italy. The discovery of hot water, some claimed, even though a concentration of politically motivated judicial investigations had not been seen for some time.
To act as a driving force Puglia of Emiliano, grappling with an unprecedented storm that has hit the center-left in particular. There is no need to remember the arrest of the mayor of the municipality of Triggiano, the resignation of the transport councilor Anita Maurodoinoia, involved in the investigation into the vote swap, the pressure from the Government for the commissionership of the municipality of Bari and, again, the arrest of the former regional councilor Alfonso Pisicchio and his brother, as part of an investigation into alleged rigged tenders.
Then it was the turn of the Piedmontspecifically in Turin, where the leading exponent of the Democratic Party Salvatore Gallo is under investigation for electoral corruption, and then again at Sicily, where this time the one who ended up in the storm was, among others, the vice-president of the Region, as well as a member of the Northern League, Luca Sammartino. To arrive, today, at the house arrest of the resigning mayor of Avellino Gianluca Festa, former Democratic Party and then supported by civic lists. The judicial exploit of recent weeks has caused many political exponents to turn up their noses quite a bit, who immediately evoked the image of a “clockwork justice”. In particular, the League expressed doubts about banging its fists on the table timing of measures which involved the Sicilian exponent Sammartino del Carroccio.
“Why one month before the European elections?”; “Where has the presumption of innocence?”. Questions that are certainly legitimate on paper, but which seem to be disconnected from reality, at least for two reasons. The first, the calendar of elections: between political, European, regional and administrative, Italy is a country where people go to the polls frequently. With the “risk” that judicial investigations become more or less often intertwined with the exercise of citizens' right to vote.
The second: rather than “clockwork justice”, there is a risk of expiring in “clockwork guarantee” or, better to say, convenience. The same ones, in fact, that recall the sacrosanct constitutional principle of the art. 27, had asked for the immediate dissolution of the municipality of Bari a few days earlier. Identifying the point of balance is now the prerogative of the judges, also considering the fact that those involved in the investigations are and have been municipal and regional administrators from all political parties, not only the League, but also (and perhaps above all) the group of the left, including the Democratic Party and associated civic lists.
Hence a possible conclusion: it may not be that, perhaps, the only truly such clockwork mechanism is precisely that of politics which, cyclically – or rather, at the most opportune moments – needs to blow up some rules here and there, set aside the principles of legality and transparency to support the very cost of politics, without distinction of color? There is no doubt that, in different teams, there are bad apples who exploit their office to obtain personal gain. But it is equally true that, after the Tangentopoli hangover, the Italian ruling class has slipped “collectively”, with the sole aim of substantiating its power.
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