Iñigo Errejón during a plenary session in the Congress of Deputies. Archive image. A. Pérez Meca / Europa Press
- The origins: “We’re going to make history and screw up our biography.” That’s what he told him Inigo Errejón Rita Maestre behind the scenes. It was before going out to the rally celebrating Podemos’ victory in the 2014 European elections. I can attest to that. It happened before “the Reina Sofía”. Now, it sounds like prehistory. The stuff of a museum of scrapped biographies. They resonate in the latest exhibition inaugurated at “el Reina”: Grotesque.
Too bad! I feel for the victims of an alleged sexual predator. I think about them and Errejón seems to me to be the protagonist of The Wolf of Wall Street: the vermin of the caste that he wanted to bring down. Here I will argue that (like so many others), Errejón was a political entrepreneur without too many scruples. But I will try to ensure that the character does not cannibalize his person. Compassion is the first rule to avoid dehumanization in these cases. Applying it to the abuser and the abused. But without equidistances.
Disgusting! Impossible to endorse Errejón’s letter due to the lack of empathy with the alleged victims. And that doctoral tone, with which it is allowed to give lessons. Typical of those who use university jargon to “intellectualize” (minimize and exonerate themselves from) acts that (if true) are deplorable. Not in themselves, but due to the lack of consent and the subsequent enjoyment of sexual partners. Despite everything, and without hardly knowing him personally, I recognize the value of Errejón: he renounces the indictment, exposes himself to being judged and accepts the need to rehabilitate himself. I wish you the best. Pity should be enough to stop the harassment, morbidity and pornification that he and his family suffer.
Those who are cruel to Iñigo after having assumed his friendship and taken advantage of his public visibility are disgusting. Whether it was to thrive in the “new” politics or present books in society. They erected a celebritytoxic to self and others. Both in privacy and in public life. Now those who previously exalted him are stripping, skinning and defleshing him. He is unaware of who prospered at his expense and at his side.
Errejón deserves the presumption of innocence, respect for his personal and family privacy. You have the right to remain silent and preserve what remains of your public image. Also, this is not a personal issue. Enough porn more obscene than the 50 shades of gray. should give way to a more typical story of The purge. This is not (only) about crotches. But of those who exercised power with violence that was believed and claimed to be unpunished.
- After compassion, admiration and recognition for the feminist movement. It proves to be, along with housing activism, the quincemayista remnant, the most active social mobilization. At least at the dismissal level: from Rubiales to Errejón. There it is nothing. We needed to overcome the sugar-coated versions of recent history, encapsulated in the series Tell me. It was necessary, although not enough, tell it by Cristina Fallarás and other colleagues. In the TVE program, the citizens (spectators, passive and minors) ask the grandparents onions of the Holy Transition to lull them to sleep with a fable. tell iton the other hand, produces nightmares for the oligarchies who, with luck, will end up affected by the MeToo.
This scandal, like everyonearises at a precise moment and will serve the interests of those who best manage it. tell it It started in 2018. The behaviors that are now being aired are not from yesterday. Not even before yesterday. It is therefore necessary to prevent a debate that is (I insist, like almost everyone) scheduled. It is no coincidence that this could be the finishing touch to Sumar’s project and it arises after the Ábalos scandal and that of Sánchez’s wife broke out. On the other hand, it overshadows the goings-on of Ayuso’s boyfriend and another alleged corrupt member of the “La Quironesa” gang (as Vallín coined it). So advance the antipolitics of “There is no alternative”, which is not only neoliberal. It encourages abstention and bipartisan resignation. Social democracy affirms that “nothing exists on the left.” and populism destroy of the PP that “nothing breathes beyond us” (or Vox).
- Conscious are the feminists of the dangers of lynching and the regression that would be brought about by a group of witches, this time incinerators of Torquemadas. They would send every god (especially liberal politicians and journalists) to purgatory. Another purge! Examination of conscience and purpose of amendment. Public derision and autos-da-fe to pay for a concealing and complicit silence. It would be the joy of the (ultra) right. Without paternalism or feminist self-congratulation, we can avoid being the useful fools who do the dirty work for the usual people.
After breaking with the debate (that is to say) of transsexuality and the law of consent, feminism can be destroyed in a purifying and punitive, moralistic and blaming fire. More young people (not just boys) will consider them feminazis. The discussion is turning out to be more plural than ever, but it is tinged with moralism against pleasure and the diversity of affections and practices. It is used to question sexual education in schools and reject sexual and reproductive rights. The regression is palpable. It is evident when the voice of those affected is raised and the arrogance is taken to defend them.
Indirectly, certain feminisms pave the way for involution. Let’s see if this example clarifies it: when feminists spread lies (unsustainable, from the first moment) about the alleged rapes committed by Julian Assangethey endorsed the brutal repression who later suffered. They criminalized true journalism, which ended equated to espionage. In the US with Wikileaks. And in Israel with the Palestinian genocide. There it is nothing.
- The compassion we demanded requires a first step, to break ranks. Have we stopped cultural wars? Let’s desert of this. We have everything to lose if we do not act from criticism of party oligarchies, not just patriarchy. Podemos, Sumar, the acronyms and the subsequent municipalisms are no more hierarchical than the PP or the PSOE; see the FAES and the “PSOE mahogany”. But the contradiction is greater in those who claim to be “alternative.” It will not be with more “communication” (press conferences, statements, tweets…), but with institutional organization: a new electoral platform, linked to cooperatives and unions, foundations and third sector organizations. Its effectiveness should not undermine transparency and openness, participation from below and cooperation among themselves.
Continuing to tear itself apart will further alienate an electorate that is increasingly alienated from politics in general. Hence the need to do noun politicswith substance: politics (management of the common and public) internal to the party and public policies (for society as a whole, not posturing for related audiences). Concrete and specific actions are needed to prevent and stop the exercise of power that is believed to be irresponsible, arbitrary and despotic. As? Thinking and acting in a social key, neither partisan nor personal; at the institutional level, not the private one. Let the acronyms and leaderships overflow. Under penalty of resigning yourself to being a taifa, clan or sect.
- Let’s talk, please, about the iron law of oligarchies. The one we mentioned will understand. There is no political scientist who denies it. It was formulated by Robert Michels (1911) and maintained that sooner or later, no matter what, parties end up controlled by the elites in a natural way. That’s how he ended up hugging Mussolini. Master in converting the task of political representation and public service into the domination and supplantation of those below.
The new party nomenklaturas are men and women who, with Adamist and authoritarian impulses, believed (they believe) to be “disruptive entrepreneurs.” According to Schumpeter, teacher of ordoliberals, innovation was “creative destruction.” Break with what exists. Mark fashion. Be trending topics and embody the sign of the times as a digital tycoon. Burst like a Dana and take to the skies with a winning brand. Errejón and so much They were CEO of some startups, “incubator companies” for their personal brands. Hegemonic, yes, but only in a market of acronyms and hyper-leadership. Their journey has been as brief as the political (in)culture from which they came and which they ended up accentuating was deficient.
6.The caudillismo It is not façade heritage. It’s ugly to say it, but we notify in time: he Game of Thrones de Iglesias was not a desirable imaginary. Even less Blitzkriegthe blitzkrieg electoral war of which Errejón was supreme commander. A position, a bloody throne. A campaign, invade the enemy camp. To death. Without blood pacts, loyalties or armistices. Nor internally.
“Those who disagreed were ignored, isolated, purged.” “The pioneers “They seized and accumulated territories, with no other law than that of force.”
“Harassment campaigns on Telegram. Silence, as punishment when you became an “internal enemy.” Parallel ‘Chats’ to manipulate assemblies. Threatening “messages” from leaders. Attempts to snatch the power and space of others,” account Lorena Ruiz-Huerta.
The prepotency of certain leaderships has only been comparable to their audacity. Many succumbed (we succumbed?) to both. But some people now make hackneyed jokes about Monty Python’s Jewish fronts. And they are accompanied by other coryphaes of this tragedy. The nihilists of “nothing has been useful, nor will it be useful.” The “you could see it coming” gaffes. As well as the travel immobilizers and the saddlebags. And the ashes of “now, worse than ever.” Or the “everyone is equal” levellers. And the bitter ones in the “and you more.” Let’s beware of publicists with undercover candidates, of mercenaries of (self) hype.
- The political communication It is the opposite of the prevailing electoral marketing. It consists of giving voice (not impersonating) a community. The objective is for it to gain entity and voice, to participate (take part) in the collective future, under equal conditions and with fair results. The left avoids or appears incapable of institutionalize outrage. He grows up and is changing sides. More Danas will come and they will give us more looks. We need values and organizations to confront them.
It is urgent to (re)establish loyalties from below, based on “working together” and not “against.” They would reveal multiple, transversal and complementary militancy. And they would demand respect for differences. Not to deepen them but to converge from diversity. These “new” values demand new organizations with representation and management structures that are accountable and hold short those who are obliged to give them. We are not soldiers or electoral merchandise of the partisan crushers.
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