In the year in which Centrão’s entry into the government was consolidated, handing over the Civil House to a representative of the group, President Jair Bolsonaro paid a record volume of parliamentary amendments. There were R$ 25.1 billion that left the public coffers in 2021 to be invested in electoral strongholds of deputies and senators. Even with the inflation adjustment, the number represents an increase of R$ 1.4 billion in relation to the previous year. The figure was boosted by the secret budget, a “take it, give it here” scheme revealed by the Estadão in May, in which the Planalto Palace directs money to congressmen in exchange for support in votes of their interest in the Legislature. The practice was ruled irregular last month by the Federal Supreme Court, which condemned the political use of the funds.
The numbers show how Congress has expanded its control over the Union Budget over the years. The process started before Bolsonaro, but it accelerated a lot during the current government. The BRL 25.1 billion actually paid in 2021 represents three quarters of the BRL 33.4 billion that were committed (when the money is set aside in the Budget), an index above previous years, according to data from Siga Brasil, a Senate system. which allows monitoring the execution of the federal budget. In 2022, when most parliamentarians will contest the elections, the expected value is even higher, at R$ 37 billion. And, in order not to run the risk of this money being dammed up, Bolsonaro signed a decree on the 13th taking it from the Ministry of Economy and giving the Civil House the final word on budget management. In practice, it will be up to Minister Ciro Nogueira, head of Progressistas, the largest party in Centrão, to release the resources.
The amendments are indications made by parliamentarians of how the Executive should spend part of the budget’s money. They range from infrastructure works, such as the construction of a bridge, for example, to amounts earmarked for health and education programs. as showed the Estadão, however, the money has also been used in recent years to buy overpriced tractors, the so-called “tratoraço”, and members of the government itself admit that there is corruption involving the release of these funds.
Despite being elected with the speech that he would not practice the “take it from there, from here” – releasing funds in exchange for parliamentary support – the numbers also show that last year Bolsonaro used the common practice in Brazilian politics: he accelerated the liberation of money when he needed support from parliamentarians. The most evident case was in the vote on the PEC of the Precatórios, which paved the way for the creation of Auxílio Brasil, a social program that the president will use as an electoral banner to try to get reelected. On the eve of the vote, in November, the government allocated R$ 1.2 billion from the public coffers to meet the interests of congressmen. The value offered by interlocutors from the Planalto Palace for the vote of each parliamentarian, as they admitted at the time to the Estadão at least two deputies, was up to R$ 15 million.
In addition, the government prioritized allies even when releasing the so-called individual amendments, those provided for in the Constitution and which guarantee the same amount for all congressmen. Parliamentarians from Centrão parties such as the PL – to which Bolsonaro joined –, the Republicans and the Progressistas had about 70% of the amounts allocated to them paid last year. On the other hand, opposition legends and more criticism were left behind. PCdoB (44%), Novo (34%) and PSOL (31%) were the ones with the fewest resources released in relation to the total approved. PT, DEM and PSL appear in the middle.
Allies attribute the outcome to the character of the resources they presented. Lawmakers from the base argued that they use the amendments to irrigate programs led by the ministries themselves, which speeds up payment. In addition, government officials were the ones who most indicated resources for special transfers, nicknamed “blank check amendment” and “budget PIX”, a modality in which the money falls directly into the account of city halls, without going through the ministries. The mechanism is yet another nebulous way for deputies and senators to send public funds to their constituencies with little transparency and no federal oversight.
“There is this story that, being from the base, the goat is more favored. It should be, but what I hear in the halls is that sometimes the opposition had even more. The ministries serve everyone, I can’t see all this distortion”, said the government deputy Vaidon Oliveira (PROS-CE), who in three months managed to commit 99% of his amendments, by indicating resources to the Ministry of Health and the “check blank” for municipalities in Ceará.
Speed
With the numbers, it is also possible to observe that, throughout the year, members of the base obtained resources more quickly. The amendments began to be released in May, after the delay in approving the Budget. Until July, PTB, PROS, MDB, PSD, Republicans, PL, Progressives and DEM formed the group of deputies that had the most committed amendments, that is, released in the Budget, a phase prior to payment. These secured more than half of the funds in three months.
“As certain parliamentarians direct resources to continue projects during their term of office, this transfer has to be as fast as possible so as not to create a stoppage”, said Luiz Lima (PSL-RJ), who had 95% of his amendments paid for. until July, including funds for Instituto Léo Moura, managed by an ally.
Those who were left behind recognize that being an ally with the government makes it easier to send resources to their constituencies. “I don’t feel persecuted, but I know that (the release of amendments) do not move at the speed they would if I were from the base”, said the leader of Novo in the Chamber, Paulo Ganime (RJ).
In the Senate, where the government base is smaller, it is also possible to see a difference: DEM parliamentarians, with a ruling majority, had the highest volume of amendments paid, 85%. Podemos, critical of the Executive, was in the “lantern”, with 45%.
The Government Secretariat stated that the information described in the survey of the report “does not apply” to the Management Treasury, a system maintained by the government. The information from Siga Brasil, however, comes from the same database. When questioned, the ministry did not provide the information that the Executive has.
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