Founder of the Alianza del Lápiz party, Antonio Ecarri (Valencia, 1974), this lawyer has been trying to build an alternative for some time that transcends the chronic conflict between Chavismo and the Venezuelan opposition. Today he is one of the 12 candidates admitted by the electoral authorities controlled by the Government to participate in the presidential elections on July 28. His proposal is to differentiate himself from each other.
Years ago he was close to the opposition parties Primero Justicia, of which he was a councilor, and Proyecto Venezuela. In 2012, he fell out with the Democratic Unity Roundtable (the former Unitary Platform) and founded his own organization, a centrist party, with a sinuous line, equidistant from the opposition claims and the Chavista narrative.
Supported by the organizations Cambiemos and Avanzada Progresista, traditional critics of the actions of the Unitary Platform, Ecarri has, for many people, an interpretation of the Venezuelan crisis similar to that of former Spanish president José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Ecarri, criticized by the toughest opposition for betting on this game of balance, says that it is time to “build trust” to recover the governability of the country.
Ask. What is the problem with the Unitary Platform?
Answer. What has been built there is a political crust that decides things in the shadows, and, through blackmail, imposes it on Venezuelans, invoking unity. The resurrection of this country cannot be born from blackmail, nor from running at five to 12 to present a candidacy.
Q. He alludes to Manuel Rosales, who presented his candidacy at the last minute.
R. Clear. It took me five days to gather the requirements to present myself as a candidate before the National Electoral Council. That took Mr. Rosales five minutes. That was already agreed. I told María Corina Machado: by defeating them, you are killing them ethically and electorally, but you are validating their request. There is a serious problem with the lack of clear standards. That's why I didn't go to the primaries.
Q. Do you think there are better political conditions this year compared to 2018 to participate in elections?
R. No, they could be even worse. What happens is that we have realized that the decision not to vote is a path to failure.
Q. What would happen if the candidate from the democratic camp was cheated out of the election, and everyone realized it?
R. I have been studying this topic for a while and I have planned what to do in case something like this happens, I hope it doesn't happen. My model is Don Torcuato Fernández Miranda, the great screenwriter of the Spanish transition: “from the law, to the law, through the law.” With the Constitution we have been moving forward to decide through realities, not abstractions. To be in this process, I set three conditions: being alive, being free, and being enabled. I am here, we have an economic project, and a broader vision, a plan to assume power, with the terrible political, social and economic conditions that the country has. Venezuela has a serious trust problem. This will require a governance pact with Chavismo.
Q. Are there conditions for that?
R. Yes, we have made a public, constant effort to build trust and I have been criticized for that. We defend the rights of Venezuela in Essequibo, in that we have coincidences, I am a fan of the border issue of this country. My relationship with the members of the Military High Command is respectful, institutional. If we cannot agree to defend territorial integrity, we could not agree on anything.
Q. Sometimes he is seen as hypercritical of the Venezuelan opposition, but very moderate with Chavismo.
R. Well, I have been suffering from Chavismo for 25 years. Maduro's is, objectively, the worst government this country has had in its entire history. The thing is that the opposition is another disaster.
Q. What should the opposition have done that it has not done?
R. Having State criteria, that is a bureaucratic distribution. There is a psychological attitude of surrender in the Unitary Platform. The Barbados Agreement is just that, a surrender. They are trying to get the government to forgive them to see if they become deputies in 2025. One is especially critical of those who disappoint you. I have never been a Chavista, but I am disappointed in the opposition.
Q. There are people who accuse you of being part of a troupe to legitimize a consultation where Maduro can choose his candidate and defeat him.
R. That's what makes you laugh. Well, and then they, the pure ones, want to participate in the comparsa. It is not good to put everyone in the same bag. I unequivocally separate myself from some of those aforementioned candidates, they are not all. Gratuitous accusations are made against me because I have challenged the opposition establishment. Our approach is more audacious, what we have done is look for the loophole. The stability of the country cannot be achieved if we do not lower it to the level of conflict. It is not a matter of opposition or not; A different face has to come to the conflict to articulate agreements. Chavismo is a stage completed, but we cannot proceed as if they had not existed. Yes they existed.
Q. Has any Chavista told you if they would be willing to hand over power if they lose the elections?
R. Repeatedly. Nicolás Maduro himself told me this on a national network.
Q. And do you believe it?
R. Nobody in their right mind believes that they are going to hand over power because they are good people. They will do so if they see that an immense popular majority speaks out in a vote.
Q. Maybe that doesn't matter to them either.
R. I don't see it in those conditions. Unless, whoever arrives at that moment threatens them, or does not offer guarantees.
Q. Does Antonio Ecarri have that majority?
R. No, but we can achieve it. If we interpret collective psychology, guide the country, we can present an alternative. The issue of trust is cardinal. I need to earn the trust of the democratic camp without putting Chavismo on notice. My challenge is to achieve that unstable balance. But it is also necessary to generate confidence in the Chavista so that he hands over power with all his political rights. We have an international facilitation agenda for that, contacts with the foreign ministries of Brazil, Spain, and Mexico.
Q. Has your opposition had a tolerant attitude towards the excesses of Chavismo in matters of corruption and human rights?
R. It is the same thing that they criticized the Chilean democratic movement, which invited the country to vote without talking about revenge or torture in the times of Pinochet.
Q. Would you be willing to decline your name if another candidate has a better chance?
R. It cannot be ruled out, that is politics. We have a strategic plan that is moving forward, we do not have to think otherwise.
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