If the scope of the various demonstrations of the pink tidethen you can put together the puzzle of the new right far beyond the old panism Catholic-business, neoliberalism salinist of the PRI and the vulgar accommodationist of PRD chuchista
As with every political upheaval, the rearrangements free new ideological forces, social, economic and political. The marches of the pink tide They showed the ideological profiles of currents that will have activism in the next six-year term:
–Prominent members of the civil service of the autonomous State of social forces.
–Center-right activists from the socialist-communist left.
–Intellectuals who were located in their comfortable ivory tower in Vigney-2024 mode and who took to the streets to fight for the chop because the lopezobradorista government He took away subsidies and comforts from the old perfect dictatorship.
-Party leaders without social bases who were dedicated to negotiating individual positions of power and who suddenly found themselves without a party and discovered the burning nail of civil society, whatever it may be.
–A Coparmexian business community that found communism the scarecrow and that also saw its privileges at risk derived from its deceitful operation as chambers without legal recognition.
-A neoconservative Catholic church with faithful in retreat and therefore less popular alms that exploit the fear-faith of the people.
–And above all to a US government that lost dominance and hegemony over Mexico and that had to call the candidate to account in Washington Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz to provide it with a team of the intelligence and national security community of the White House to maintain regional dominance.
The reconfiguration of the new power bloc of the right in Mexico is based on a false assumption: the political and mass project of Lopez Obrador It is not ideologically left–that is, socialist or communist–, but it is exhausted in the configuration of a gelatinous coalition of beneficiaries of social programs–more than 60% of the Mexican population–, but without any party. nor movement of productive classes that participate, whether they like it or not, in the class struggle and that annul the socialist model with an oxymoronic mixture of Cardenista populism of the working class as a mass and not as a class and the aspirational middle class that Miguel Alemán invented and that It made it depend on the well-being of social policies of an interventionist State only to build social bases, including the idyllic model of a mixed economy that today is sublimated, for example, with the alliance of the public works policy of the National Palace with the complicity of the super-millionaire. who does not let go of small construction contracts, Carlos Slim Helú.
The capacity of the State to force consensus and productive agreements will drown out the possibilities of the new Mexican right, led by the PRD members Guadalupe Acosta Naranjo and Carlos Navarrete Ruiz, alongside the frustrated transitionists José Woldenberg and Lorenzo Córdova Vianello. , counting on the intellectual blessing of the three new saints of the ideological thought of the right that comes from the old conservative PRI: Roger Bartra, Héctor Aguilar Camín and Enrique Krauze.
The electoral balance next Sunday will rearrange the pieces of the new political-ideological puzzle of the transformations of the Mexican right: the banking-business that founded the PAN, the PRI that emerged from the corruption of public contracts, the increasingly solid neoliberal PRI of the revived Salinismo, the post-post-Cardenismo of the PRD of the Chuchos that came out of the Echeverrista wing of Cardenismo, the three formations of the old PRI regime that will not be able to go beyond the June 2nd and that they will enter into a logic of conflict with the new right that viewed with disdain this old partisanship that vulgarly ganged up on legislative positions for an oligarchy without a historical destiny.
What remains of this new political-ideological framework of the 2024 electoral process will be the enigma regarding the persistence or historical disappearance, for the second time, of a socialist left that lost its old positions of power: parties, unions, public universities and media of communication, but which could be a point of balance within the amorphous López Obrador-Sheinbaum Pardo populist bloc. For now, at the end of the campaign, 150 former PCM militants of the socialist-communist left were deployed in favor of Sheinbaum’s project.
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