President Gustavo Petro’s policies and rhetoric have begun to undermine, and in a worrying way, the historic bilateral relations between the United States and Colombia.
According to the criteria of
Something that is being felt not only in the halls of the US Capitol but among certain sectors of President Joe Biden’s administration.
Arnson is also a Distinguished Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center and a professor at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
“It should come as no surprise that the country’s first leftist president is seeking to change things both domestically and globally. But Petro’s rhetoric and positions on issues such as the fight against drugs, peace and security – the central axes of the collaboration between five US and Colombian administrations – have alienated core sectors of the US Congress and even some members of the Biden administration.”the analyst begins by saying.
That, according to Arnson, It is causing fissures in the so-called bipartisan support that Colombia has had for more than 25 years.
According to the expert, a sector of the US government, which she calls the “institutionalists,” sees Colombia as a vital and strategic ally regardless of the current occupant of the Casa de Nariño.
Reason why They have made every effort to preserve the relationship, something that is reflected in the public statements of officials.
However, Arnson notes, both “in public and in private, another group of American officials (call them “the disillusioned” or even “Opponents” (the opposition) express alarm at the direction of Petro’s government policies, wondering whether U.S. resources might not be better spent addressing the crises in Ecuador and Haiti at a time of general budgetary constraints in the United States.”
For Arnson, that perception could change course if Petro contributes to solving the crisis in Venezuela following “the massive fraud in the elections of July 28.”
According to the expert, One of the biggest gaps between the two governments remains the fight against drugs. While the United States has paid greater attention to fentanyl trafficking, cocaine remains a priority both for its consumption and because it is used as a vehicle to ingest fentanyl.
In this sense, there is much concern about the exponential growth of crops and its impact on other countries such as Ecuador.
“Colombia’s cocaine boom has worsened security crises elsewhere in South America, especially in neighbouring Ecuador. There, according to the UN, “increased cocaine trafficking from Colombia has resulted in a wave of lethal violence linked to local and transnational criminal groups.”“, Arnson says.
Although the Colombian government insists it is using the resources differently – not to attack growers but other points in the chain with interdiction and other tools – the results also raise questions.
“Some US officials agree. But others are more skeptical, arguing that cocaine interdiction has increased because much more cocaine is being produced. “Moreover, the reduction in coca eradication removes a penalty for coca cultivation, even as coca leaf prices have plummeted amid a glut and changes in drug traffickers’ purchasing patterns.”the analyst says.
The effects of discomfort
Arnson states that Discontent with the Petro government has already translated into reductions in aid proposed by the House of Representatives (50 for next year). Although he speculates that the cut will probably not materialize yet, the “Actions in the House indicate strong disapproval, foreshadowing how policy could change if Donald Trump wins the November election.”
Another area of widespread concern in the United States is the deterioration of security in many rural areas of Colombia and its focus on peace negotiations with criminal groups that have so far yielded no results.
“Since 1999, the US government has provided nearly $14 billion under Plan Colombia, Paz Colombia, and successive strategies. At a time of declining appetite for foreign aid and wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, it is perhaps not surprising that financial support for Colombia is declining. The longer-term question is whether Petro’s difficult presidency marks a turn away from close US-Colombia relations or whether institutionalists in both capitals stand firm as new presidents (the US in 2025 and Colombia in 2026) take power.”the expert concludes.
SERGIO GOMEZ MASERI
Correspondent for EL TIEMPO
Washington
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