It was even the most basic decision in any book of political controversies and more in intellectual matters of power: publicizing conflicts of protagonists who appear on stage as if they had been born that same day, but having in their resume a long list of confrontations as part of the group that they dispute he political power.
He writer Héctor Aguilar Camín has accumulated since 1992 evidence of Perverse relationships with the PRI ruling elite, and the most serious thing about the matter is that he left irregular clues that were published at the time: all the money he scandalously received from President Salinas de Gortari and which was criticized at the time, with the aggravating circumstance that Salinas himself was the source that distributed a package of budget evidence, copies of checks and personal letters from the writer begging him for millions of pesos for empty boxes in the (A)Nexos group. .
Salinas’ decision to release those documents was motivated by Camín’s statement to Jacobo Zabludovsky on Televisa in 1993, after learning of the recording of a private conversation between Raúl Salinas de Gortari in prison and his sister Adriana, and the fuchi gesture that the intellectual made to distance himself from that riffraff that was capable of becoming corrupt: the Salinas de Gortari family.
From 1992 to date, the Political Indicator column has kept a careful record of all Aguilar Camín’s scams and the group (A)Nexos, today an ally of Enrique Krauze and the group of Letras Libres magazine:
1.- Salinas strengthened the strategic alliance with Camín’s group at the beginning of 1992 and therefore allocated public resources to the (A)Nexos Winter Colloquium, which led to Octavio Paz’s complaint for budget manipulation.
2.- At Camín’s proposal, President Salinas de Gortari created channel 22 as a space for the intellectuals of (A)Nexos and Camín appointed the gay José María Pérez as director, who later joined López Obrador’s group.
3.- Camín convinced President Salinas to take charge of the redefinition of public education and that was where million-dollar budgets from the SEP were given to the group (A) Nexos for the educational proposal, with already known checks and letters from Camín begging irregularly that they paid him unproven, unauthorized budget extensions and that they advanced the total payment of the contract.
4.- In mid-1992, President Salinas authorized the group (A) Nexos to carry out a survey in Michoacán to strengthen the political game of Los Pinos, but it turned out that the survey was not even carried out without its conclusions being presented. This incident provoked an open letter from the PRD member Arnaldo Córdova to Camín about the political maneuver of the poll that anticipated the victory of the PRI member Villaseñor against the PRD member Cristóbal Arias. Córdova wrote a public letter to Camín exposing the Salinist game of power by (A)Nexos.
5.- In August 1992, Indicador Político published evidence that Camín was receiving a salary at the National Institute of Anthropology and History without performing any service, which would have become a vulgar aviator that the intellectual’s driver was paid every month. .
6.- In 1992, also, the Salinas-Zedillo-Camín complicity caused a severe conflict with the Army because the group (A) Nexos used the part of 68 to attack the military in Tlatelolco. Books already printed had to be destroyed. Camín was in President Salinas’ game to consolidate Zedillo’s presidential candidacy as secretary of education.
7.- In 1994, Subcomandante Marcos erased Camín and his group (A)Nexos from the intellectual-political space with a letter that circulated widely, pointing out that the Zapatistas did not have to ask anyone for forgiveness and mocking that perhaps they wanted to ask for forgiveness. the forgiveness of (A) Nexos “or Galio”, a character from a novel by Camín.
8.- Camín placed his unconditional supporters in the structure of Pronasol of Salinas, among them Rolando Cordera Campos, a supposedly socialist economist who became the announcer-analyst of the neoliberal Salinas and then landed as president of the Pronasol Advisory Council, Carlos Monsiváis also belonged to whose organization, receiving a salary from the Salinas Government-State.
9.- On December 8, 1995, Indicador Político presented documents of contracts paid by Raúl Salinas de Gortari to the Research Center of the (A)Nexos group, especially nine alleged studies carried out by Camín to Pronasol and authorized directly by Raúl Salinas de Gortari as director of evaluation of Pronasol. Camín created a ghost company and Arturo Cantú was paid in his place.
10.- And there is a very long list of Camín’s businesses and complicities with the PRI of Salinas.
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